Congreso Nacional Indígena convoca a continuar Jornadas Globales tras despliegue del ejercito y #GuardiaNacional con 39 vehículos hacia territorio zapatista, donde detuvieron a 2 integrantes del #EZLN
👉 https://avispa.org/?p=119628
#zapatistas #Zapatistas #ezln #resistencia #presospolíticos #latinoamerica #anarchism #anarquia #anaraquismo #mexico #claudiasheinbaum
La represión en contra de los zapatistas no es cosa del pasado. Además, en el contexto de impunidad y violencias en México, el sistema autónomo de seguridad y justicia que ha construído el #EZLN se convierte en una verdadera alternativa.
Muy bueno el artículo de Raúl Romero publicado en La Jornada
Zapatista Autonomous Justice
On Friday, April 24, in the community of San Pedro Cotzilnam, Chiapas, one of those operations that characterized the government of Felipe Calderón took place. Integrated by the National Guard, Mexican Army, Pakal Immediate Reaction Forces (FRIP), Ministerial Intelligence Investigation Agency, State Preventive Police, Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection of the federal government. The operation included searches -without warrants- at different homes. The State forces violently raided homes of Zapatista Support Base families, causing destruction, stealing money and belongings from the communities, and taking José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez into custody without arrest warrants.
Since his arrival to the government of Chiapas (2024), Eduardo Ramirez promised to “pacify” Chiapas by using the military support provided by his party colleague in the Presidency of the country, considerably increasing the security budget, deploying an intense media campaign and creating elite groups, such as the FRIP. But the signs of authoritarianism and abuse of power mark her cabinet. At the head of the Chiapas prosecutor’s office is Jorge Luis Llaven Abarca, who during his time as Secretary of Public Security and Citizen Protection in the government of Manuel Velasco Coello, was characterized by the excessive use of public force, repression, arbitrary detentions and torture. The detention and torture of members of the Other Campaign of San Sebastián Bachajón, and the death under torture of Luis Ignacio Lara Vidal in 2005, are cases for which he has been denounced.
Upon learning of the detention of José and Andrés, Zapatista autonomous authorities conducted their own investigation and reported the situation to the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center. For 55 hours, José and Andrés remained disappeared. But social pressure began to have an effect and on February 27, the Facebook page of the Chiapas Prosecutor’s Office published: “For aggravated kidnapping, law enforcement officers apprehend three alleged perpetrators. For events that occurred in the municipality of Aldama. The State Attorney General’s Office, the Secretary of National Defense and the Secretary of People’s Security served arrest warrants against José N, Andrés N and Andrés Martín N, as alleged perpetrators of aggravated kidnapping, committed against a male person of undisclosed identity.” In addition to lying with the alleged arrest warrants, the intention to fabricate crimes was already evident.
But the Chiapas prosecutor’s office and government, as well as the federal government, which was aware of the situation at all times, do not seem to know that the Zapatistas do not surrender, do not sell out and do not betray. So while the State fabricated guilty parties and criminalized the detainees by trying to accuse them of kidnapping, the autonomous Zapatista authorities first proved the innocence of their support bases, and then went further: they discovered the perpetrators of the kidnapping and subsequent murder of Pedro Díaz Gómez, committed by non-Zapatistas. Making use of their security and justice systems, while still respecting human rights, the Zapatistas detained the criminals and took them into custody in one of the rebel communities. “The two criminals confessed to the kidnapping and murder against Pedro Díaz Gómez, and pointed out the precise place where they had buried the body. They indicated the complicity of other people,” narrates the subcomandante insurgente Moisés, spokesman for the EZLN. He continues: “All this was known to the government at all three levels, but nothing was done. Instead of immediately releasing our innocent comrades, they dragged their feet and proposed an exchange of detainees. That way they could bribe the media and sell them the story that it was all the merit of the state and federal justice system. And they could also keep what they stole from the poor indigenous people who had suffered their attack.”
“In an era in which justice is one more victim of money, corruption, force, impunity, arbitrariness and power, it is a real source of vital encouragement to find peoples who have given themselves a government with their own authorities who, based on fundamentally different principles, objectives, laws and procedures, have managed to successfully put into practice a system of justice with which they can resolve any conflict presented to them,” wrote researcher Paulina Fernández Christlieb in a book with the same title as this text. This alternative security and justice system built by the Zapatistas is not only a reference for justice in a country where more than 93 percent of crimes go unpunished. In addition, this system has helped them today to expose a State that continues to distance itself from justice.
Original text by Raúl Romero published in La Jornada on May 5th 2025.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.
CHIAPAS: LIBERATI I DUE COMPAGNI DELLE BASI D’APPOGGIO ZAPATISTE SEQUESTRATI A FINE APRILE https://www.radiondadurto.org/2025/05/05/chiapas-liberati-i-due-compagni-delle-basi-dappoggio-zapatiste-sequestrati-a-fine-aprile/ #INTERNAZIONALI #Chiapas #Messico #EZLN
#Mexiko - Zwei Mitglieder der EZLN-Unterstützungsbasis in Chiapas verhaftet;
Nach der Verhaftung von zwei Männer der zapatistischen Basis wurde das Schlimmste befürchtet. Auf öffentlichen Druck hin wurden sie jedoch freigelassen. https://www.npla.de/?p=65492
#Chiapas #EZLN #Frayba #GewaltsamesVerschwindenlassen
EZLN-Kommuniqué vom 02.05.25 - Unschuldig #EZLN #Kommunique #chiapas98 https://www.chiapas.eu/news.php?id=12706
LLAMAMOS A CONTINUAR LAS JORNADAS GLOBALES QUE INICIALMENTE EXIGÍAN LA LIBERTAD INMEDIATA DE BALDEMAR SÁNTIZ SÁNTIZ Y ANDRÉS MANUEL SÁNTIZ GÓMEZ, Y A NO PARARLAS HASTA LOGRAR QUE EL MAL GOBIERNO REGRESÉ TODO LO ROBADO EN LA COMUNIDAD DE COTZILNAM #EZLN
Innocent — EZLN
ZAPATISTA ARMY OF NATIONAL LIBERATION.
MEXICO.
May 2025.
To those who signed the Declaration for Life:
To the National and International Sexta:
To the National Indigenous Congress:
To the peoples of Mexico and the world:
Compañeras and compañeros, sisters and brothers:
We explain to you what happened to the two Zapatista support bases, José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Säntiz Gómez, who were illegally detained and kidnapped by the joint forces of the federal and state governments on April 26 of this year 2025.
They were disappeared for 55 hours and were only presented before the corrupt authorities, thanks to pressure from the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center. They were accused of aggravated kidnapping against Pedro Díaz Gómez.
During the arrest, the National Guard forces, the federal army and the so-called Pakal Immediate Reaction Forces took advantage of the arrest and stole the belongings and pay of the affected people and the communities. They stole a car, a motorcycle and a large amount of cash.
While the supreme government gambled with the life, liberty and property of the two illegally detained, the autonomous Zapatista authorities carried out their own investigation under the guidance of Truth and Justice in common.
I remind you that, as organized peoples that we are, we have principles and regulations in common. It is not permissible to infringe on the life, liberty and property of other people, whatever their ideology, party, religion, sexual preference, skin color, race, language, nationality or social position. In the case of murder, kidnapping, assault, rape, forgery and robbery, these are serious offenses. Additionally, drug trafficking, its production and consumption are not allowed. As with drunkenness and other offenses that are determined in common.
Any compañero or compañera, regardless of position or rank, who is guilty of serious offenses, is excluded from being a Zapatista.
Once the arrest and serious accusations against these two comrades became known, the GALEZs investigated whether they were involved in kidnapping. The organizational structure in charge of investigating came to the conclusion that the two comrades are innocent.
This was made known to the Frayba.
Not satisfied with that, the autonomous authorities continued investigating and came to confirm the involvement of two other people in the crime. These two criminals were detained and, with respect for their human rights, were taken into custody in one of the Zapatista communities.
The two criminals confessed to the kidnapping and murder of Pedro Díaz Gómez, and indicated the precise place where they had buried the body. They indicated the complicity of other people.
This was brought to the attention of the Frayba, who informed the authorities of the bad government.
Seeing that they would once again be ridiculed, the corrupt authorities rushed to mobilize their forces and arrested one of the accused who was on the run. This person confirmed the confessions to the Zapatista authorities. This is how they arrived at the place where the body of the victim of the crime was buried.
All of this was known to the government at all three levels of government, but nothing was done. Instead of immediately releasing our innocent comrades, they dragged their feet and proposed an exchange of detainees. That way they could bribe the media and sell them the story that everything had been the merit of the state and federal justice system. And they could also keep what they stole from the poor indigenous people who had suffered their attack.
The bad government again sent its repressive forces in search of a fourth implicated person. But not only did they not detain him, they also took advantage of the situation to continue stealing belongings from the communities.
Meanwhile, the federal and state authorities pressured and threatened the human rights defenders because their denunciation would show them for what they are: repressors of the innocent and manufacturers of the guilty.
In the early morning of May 2, 2025, the two confessed criminals detained by the Zapatistas were handed over to the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center so that they could review the state of health of the detainees and certify if their rights had been violated. Frayba proceeded to hand over the culprits to the official authorities.
In the course of the morning of May 2, our comrades Baldemar and Andres were released. But the government thieves refuse to return everything they have stolen.
The governments of the so-called 4T lie in everything they say about the indigenous peoples and social movements. They are the same or worse than the previous PRI and PAN governments. Those numbers that boast of “detainees,” to please Trump, are mostly innocent. Instead of buying favorable opinions in the media and social networks, the bad governments should pay their repressive forces well so that they do not have to steal from those who have less or nothing.
What happened is not only in our territories. Throughout the geography called “Mexico,” native communities, defenders of Mother Earth, human rights defenders, social movements and organizations, migrants and even simple people, who work every day to earn an honest living, are extorted, assaulted, kidnapped, disappeared, imprisoned and murdered by a government eager to ingratiate itself to the power of money.
They are hopeless.
The capitalist system was born wrong, a product of injustice, blood and robbery. This is how it continues to this day, regardless of the flags under which it hides. Its sign is death and it will remain so until the end of its days.
As Zapatista peoples we have thought of a way to combat the empire of death. We call that way “The Common.”
And in this painful situation, it became clear that the Common walks the path of truth and justice.
This achievement of the liberation of our two innocent comrades was the fruit of a triple effort: that of human rights defenders, that of national and international solidarity and support, and that of autonomous justice.
It is a moment to not forget other sister peoples, near and far in geography, who suffer the deadly attacks of the evil system. Let us not forget the native peoples, the disappeared and those who search for them, the defenders of mother earth, the people who are only a number in the statistics of crime, the Palestinian people.
For Life: justice and truth in Common.
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.
Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
Published by Enlace Zapatista on May 2nd, 2025.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas
The two members of the Zapatista support bases who were detained by the state have been released. It is interesting the read the EZLN's recounting of events.
What stands out is that the acts the two were accused of were committed by other individuals. The Zapatistas claim to have identified those individuals and then turned them over to the state.
This series of events is remarked upon as being a success. But is handing people over to the clutches of the state ever an "achievement"? It points to those frictions within autonomies of where autonomy ends and the state begins. Other autonomous projects, such as Cherán, also cooperate with the state at times on issues of "justice."
I don't have a solution, but I wonder about other possibilities. If the Zapatistas, correctly, I believe, see the capitalist state as an "empire of death," does anyone deserve to be turned over to it, even those they label "criminals"?
INOCENTES | Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés
| Mayo de 2025| #EZLN
https://wp.me/p9YUg-6BX
Genealogy of the Zapatista “Commons,” Politics of Liberation
The EZLN celebrated together with its support bases a conference commemorating the 31st anniversary of the uprising in Chiapas, in which they reflected on the challenges that the movement is facing. Between April 13 and 19, they are preparing another event: the “(Rebel y revel): encounter of art, rebellion and resistance towards the day after.”
”When we say common, we say that it has to be of our life for centuries and for centuries, forever from people to people, unity,” explained the insurgent subcomandante Moisés last January 1 in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, where the meeting of “Resistances and rebellions” called by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) took place between December 28 and January 1 of this year, as part of the celebration of the 31st anniversary of the indigenous rebellion of 1994. Now, between April 13 and 19 of this year, the organization is preparing to receive artists from around the world in a meeting called “(Rebel y revel) Arte: encuentro de arte, rebeldía y resistencia hacia el día después,” in three different venues in the rebel territory.
In December 2024 the Zapatista movement published that their new political strategy within their communities and autonomous regions would be the “komon” word used within the Mayan communities or “common” in the Spanish language. After a year, the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Clandestine Committee General Command of the EZLN, led by Moisés, but also with Comandante David, explained in detail the “first steps” of this practice that is being developed in the Zapatista Mayan communities. Where does this idea and practice come from?
From semi-slavery to liberation
In the territory of Chiapas, by 1910, 92.8% of the peasant population were peons, which explains the inheritance of that regime and dominating power that allowed the concentration of land and labor force. Chiapas remained on the margins of the Mexican revolution, particularly in the agrarian distribution that took place since the 1920s. It did not even experience a “revolution from the outside”, as in Yucatan.
From the transformations of the post-revolutionary national State, until the 1940s, the process of making the legal framework for obtaining land more flexible and, therefore, the conversion of important extensions of land into ejidos stood out. This was the implementation of President Lázaro Cárdenas’ reform to the Agrarian Code of 1934, whose main objective was the recognition of the peones acasillados (farm laborers) who lived on the farms as subjects of agrarian rights, which meant that from then on they could also become land applicants. This also brought friction between the local oligarchy and peasants and indigenous people in resistance. The young militants of the EZLN, they were the ones who were born with the inheritance of the old peon farms and who also lived under the repression and the paramilitary groups at the service of landowners and corrupt politicians.
In the recent meeting for the 31st anniversary of the EZLN uprising, Moises made a strong criticism of the legal regime of peasant land that comes from years of experience: “Lazaro Cardenas when he gave the plots, in an ejido, one has 2,000 hectares, each (peasant) has 20 hectares. That’s where the problem comes from. Although they worked the land in common, there are no boundaries or fractions. They themselves allowed it, (they said) that it had to be divided.” This process of gradual transfer of collective property into individual ownership is in fact the historical process in which the legal framework of the nascent liberal Mexican State during the 20th century allowed the existence and even encouraged the “individual rights” of peasants. It is the incorporation of land into the regime of capitalist modernity.
Zapatista women at CIDECI, January 2025. Photo: Carlos AyalaApplicants for land, sometimes still peons or indentured servants, were repressed and in the best of cases, when some lands were legalized, the peasants were forced to subordinate their loyalty to the cacique, boss, political party or representative of the government in office. This was the difficult exit of the Tojolabal, Tseltal, Tsotsil and Chol Mayas from the period known as the “baldío”, in which the peasants worked “en balde,” that is to say, with miserable pay.
It was the decline of the plantation regime in whose experience the Zapatistas express it in the sense of “we left in a ball, in a mass” -and they continue- “They grabbed en masse and then they said we are going to work the milpa in common, our houses in common. We realized that it is better, this way nobody says that this land is mine, this is mine, that is where the anger comes from, the fight of one people against another, (but) this common sense has not been understood because of individualism.”
When the indigenous populations of Chiapas became politicized through the influence of liberation theology, a broad conscientization was awakened that in practice allowed the deployment of this liberation struggle and allowed them to leave the regime of semi-slavery exploitation of the old farms, seeking the exodus to the Lacandon Jungle in a “ball” and as a collective. They brought their common customs and the sense of that “promised land” without the old humiliation of bosses and foremen and that gave strength to their rebellion almost twenty years later.
In 1974, the fourth centennial of the death of Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, one of the defenders of the indigenous people, was commemorated and celebrated. An important work of awareness of the historical context and the social participation of 1,400 delegates from more than 500 communities had already been undertaken. The meeting allowed an important grassroots politicization.
Zapatista Support Bases at CIDECI, January 2025. Photo: Carlos AyalaIn 1984, the ruling classes left behind the welfare state and neoliberalism was imposed in Mexico, which began the privatization of national enterprises. By 1991, the neoliberal reform of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari irreversibly modified Article 27 of the Constitution, allowing the sale/purchase of peasant ejido land. The EZLN took up arms in 1994 and despite the 1996 San Andres Accords on culture and indigenous rights, communities were left at the mercy of the penetration and expansion of “legalized” capital, as well as paramilitaries, organized crime, and drug cartels.
What has changed?
Despite the arrival of the “institutional left”, the so-called Fourth Transformation to power in 2018, the San Andres Pact was not fulfilled. It even expanded the free entry of savage capitalism in Chiapas. The current Zapatista critique even maintains that a peasant social class capable of accumulating wealth and goods has been created: “There are already medium-sized landowners, whoever lent money to a migrant, kept the land. Now any narco-businessman can buy what used to be ejido, what used to be common,” explained Subcomandante Moises in that January meeting. That is to say, there is a free entry for those who have ties to crime to even buy peasant land that was previously protected by the state’s political constitution.
But the “progressive” government of former President López Obrador incorporated another program that represented the greatest penetration of capitalist modernity in Chiapas with the official “Sembrando Vida” (Sowing Life), which intensified not only the buying and selling of land, but also dispossession. “They tore apart the ejido lands, before (a peasant) had the right to 20 hectares of land. But with this program it is divided into 8 pieces. Each farmer gets 2 and a half hectares and with the right to sell it,” said Comandante David.
“There are people who sold their plot of 20 hectares. And the one who left as a migrant and came back, he himself is working on that which was his land.”
This program, promoted by the governments of the Morena party, has led to peasants who used to cultivate the land now receiving cash to plant timber or fruit trees. The peasants take the money, get themselves into debt and then migrate. When they return because they have been deported or because of the death of a family member, they go back to their place of origin to work as employees sometimes on what was their own land, that is, this process is revealed as the mirror of the times of the abandoned land. “Many are already on the street with the “sowing death” program. There are people who sold their 20-hectare plot. And those who left as migrants and returned, they themselves are working what used to be their land,” said the military commander in front of almost a thousand Zapatista support bases in the Indigenous Center for Integral Training-University of the Earth.
When the indigenous peasants perceive the ease with which they can divide the inherited or recovered land and take advantage of it momentarily to migrate, then the dispossession is implemented. Sold at a low price, some small landowner will have control and ownership of the land. Now even the former owner of the land loses his communal rights because of the cultural illusion of modernity: “Those who have migrated, it is not because they are poor, it is because of the capitalist system of fashions, so everyone wants to have their watch, their new phone, their latest models. So they leave,” said Moisés.
In Chiapas, the Fourth Transformation does not imply the benefit for the peasant population, but rather a change in land use and rent. It is a deception that provokes the increase of individual landowners and the accumulation of capital. In its neoliberal form, this relationship is creating a social class of small and medium landowners who used to be peasants and are now landowners.
Faced with this situation, the “common” means returning to that komon a’teltik, which in the Mayan Tojolabal language means, “our work in common.” This collective project unfolds as a policy of liberation and a commitment to life and peace. Generous as it is paradigmatic, the EZLN is lending land to those who lost their property rights because they sold their land and/or migrated, even to non-Zapatistas. With this strategy, the Zapatistas are preparing for that day after the foreseeable capitalist collapse: the hopeful challenge is undoubtedly the sense of community, the “commons.”
Subcomandante MoIsés at CIDECI, January 2025. Photo: Carlos AyalaZapatista Support Bases in CIDECI, January 2025, by Carlos Ayala CARLOS AYALA
Original text by Juan Trujillo Limones published in El Salto on March 19th, 2025.
*Juan Trujillo Limones is a Mexican anthropologist and journalist. He has conducted several investigations on Chiapas and is a contributor to the Mexican magazine Ojarasca.
Translation by Schools for Chiapas.
Soldiers and Police Went Directly Against Zapatistas in Aldama; Two Arrested
They went directly to four Zapatista homes in the municipality of Aldama
Last Thursday, April 24th, shortly before 3:00 p.m., Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez, 21, arrived home in the community of San Pedro Cotslnam. He had married hours earlier and was arriving with his new wife to settle into the house where they would live.
José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz, 45, was resting after returning from work at the Aldama market, where he had a clothes stand.
At that time, they were detained by members of the Mexican Army, who arrived accompanied by the National Guard, the state government’s elite police group known as “Los Pakales,” members of the Ministerial Intelligence Investigation Agency, and armed civilians, according to the Zapatistas’ accounts.
The 39 vehicles in which the uniformed officers arrived fanned out across the community, but they went directly to the home of Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez, whose father is a Zapatista leader. They also entered three other homes, including that of José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz, destroying everything inside. Inside, the clothes he sells at the market were left lying on the dirt floor.
Both live on the first block entering the community. In front of their homes, and a few meters away, there are signs reading “Zapatista Local Autonomous Government G.A.L.Z. San Pedro Cotsilnam Community, Caracol II Oventic, Altos Zone, Chiapas, Mexico,” which identifies its inhabitants as Support Bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN).
This was one of the communities in the municipality of Aldama that was targeted by armed groups between 2018 and 2022, leaving dozens dead and others injured. It also led to forced displacement and constant attacks.
During those years of living under attack, the state and federal governments refused to address the problem effectively until, in July 2022, Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño, commissioner of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), visited the affected communities and asked the Mexican government for “a commitment to arrest those responsible” for the attacks.
After the IACHR head’s visit, the direct attacks in Aldama stopped, although the threats did not. Since then, members of the Mexican Army have maintained sporadic patrols in the communities affected by armed groups. Due to these circumstances, residents of San Pedro Cotsilnam believe that the military and police have perfectly identified the families who are support bases for the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), and they have no doubt that they were after them on April 24th.
The Security Secretariat says they were detained on the highway and with weapons.
A day after this operation, the Chiapas Security Secretariat issued a press release stating: “During patrols for prevention, crime deterrence, and social proximity on the stretch of highway leading from the municipality of Aldama to Larráinzar, (in uniform) we detected two males aboard a red Volkswagen vehicle. Upon noticing the police presence, they acted evasively and attempted to flee.”
“A few meters ahead, José (N) and Andrés (N) were detained in possession of two firearms, one a .22 caliber rifle and another homemade one with a wooden stock; a container of gunpowder, 31 .22 caliber cartridges, one 5.56 caliber cartridge, seven transparent nylon bags containing crystalline powder with the characteristics of the drug known as crystal. They also found six clubs, four metal accessories, one notebook, one cell phone case, three tactical backpacks, two military green pants, three green caps, three black balaclavas, and two red bandanas,” the statement added.
The agency does not recognize the two indigenous people as Zapatistas and did not notify their families of their whereabouts, so their families considered them missing. The document only mentioned that they were handed over to the corresponding authorities to determine their legal status. This Sunday, relatives of the detainees have not yet been officially notified of the arrest. Zapatista residents of San Pedro Cotsilnam expressed their concern because they fear there is a new government attack against members of the EZLN.
The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba) stated that the arrest occurs “in the context of serious surveillance and harassment by these police and military corporations, which we recently documented in the framework of the Rebel y Revel Arte Encounter convened by the EZLN (…) where there were patrols and checkpoints at intermediate points, interrogating and intimidating those attending the meeting. It should be noted that in these places there are few or regular security patrols.” They see the action as a direct attack on the EZLN.
Original article by Ángeles Mariscal, Chiapas Paralelo, April 27th, 2025.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.
¡José Baldemar y Andrés Manuel Bases de Apoyo del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional en Libertad!
Compañeros y compañeras les informamos con alegría que por la irrefutable inocencia de los compañeros, se demostró de manera contundente y por las acciones persistentes de quienes se movilizaron, así se obtuvo la libertad absoluta y se logró arrebatar de las garras del mal gobierno
¡José Baldemar y Andrés Manuel Bases de Apoyo del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional en Libertad!
Compañeros y compañeras les informamos con alegría que por la irrefutable inocencia de los compañeros, se demostró de manera contundente y por las acciones persistentes de quienes se movilizaron: personas en lo individual, colectivas, organizaciones... Las exigencias de libertad total fueron irrebatibles, así se obtuvo la libertad absoluta y se logró arrebatar de las garras del mal gobierno a las BAEZLN.
¡Por su solidaridad rebelde, que viva la resistencia por la Verdad y la Justicia!
Libertad para los dos compas #Zapatistas injustamente presos
@seguidores
Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo
Fiscalía General de la República
En solidaridad con los dos compañeros zapatistas injustamente encarcelados, hacemos un llamado a publicar durante el día 2 de mayo imágenes en las redes con los hashtags #LibertadInmediataZapatistas
Se pide etiquetar a autoridades mexicanas en las publicaciones
Lista de X:
@claudiashein @ramirezlalo @FGEChiapas @rosaicela_ @FGRMexico @arturomedinap @CNDH
Lista de cuentas de Instagram: @claudia_shein @jcmorenog @rosaicelarodriguez_ @llavenabarca @fgechiapas @fgrmexico @cndhmx
Urgent Action: Sign on to Demand the Immediate Release of the EZLN Support Bases José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez
San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas
April 30, 2025
Urgent Action No. 02
We demand the immediate release of EZLN Support Bases José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez.
We strongly denounce the criminalization and systematic repression by the Mexican State against the Ejercito Zapatista de LIberación Nacional(EZLN) and its Support Bases José Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez, who were arbitrarily deprived of their freedom in an operation that took place in the community of San Pedro Cotzilnam, municipality of Aldama, which represents a direct attack on the Zapatista movement and the territory where Autonomy and Self-Determination are being built, in the persistent struggle for Life and the Common Good.
In the early hours of Sunday, April 27, 2025, the BAEZLN were taken to the State Center of Social Reinsertion for Sentenced Persons (CERSS) No. 5 of San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, under accusations of aggravated kidnapping in a process plagued with irregularities.
The detention of the BAEZLN was carried out without an arrest warrant and the searches of their homes were carried out without judicial authorization, accompanied by abuses, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, robberies and flagrant violations of their human rights. These actions, perpetrated by security and military forces, including the National Guard and the Pakal Immediate Reaction Forces, are evidence of a systematic pattern of state repression and violence in Chiapas.
This case is another example of the criminalization strategy used by the Chiapas State Attorney General’s Office, which fabricates evidence and unjustly accuses innocent people, while the real perpetrators remain unpunished. This attack not only violates the individual rights of José Baldemar and Andrés, but also constitutes an aggression against the territory and autonomy of the Zapatista peoples.
Therefore, we demand of the federal and state governments:
We call for national and international solidarity!
We call all people, organizations and movements to mobilize in their own time and ways to demand justice. It is urgent to raise our voices to stop the repression of the State and to guarantee the freedom of the BAEZLN comrades, who today are hostages of a repressive system. Stay tuned for updates on this case and act in defense of dignity, justice and human rights and for the defense of autonomy, territory and life.
Original text by Frayba.
Translation by Schools for Chiapas.
"The National Indigenous Congress (CNI) denounced that on Saturday, two support base members of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) were arbitrarily detained and forcibly disappeared for 55 hours in the Tzotzil community of Cotzilnam, municipality of Aldama, Chiapas.
"The Indigenous men, Baldemar Sántiz Sántiz and Andrés Manuel Sántiz Gómez, were deprived of their freedom in an operation in which at least 39 vehicles were deployed with members of the National Guard, Mexican Army, state police and armed civilian groups. In light of this, the CNI and social organizations are calling for urgent global actions to demand their release."
https://avispa.org/urgente-convocan-a-jornadas-globales-por-libertad-de-dos-integrantes-del-ezln/
Mexiko: Zwei Mitglieder der EZLN-Unterstützungsbasis in Chiapas verhaftet #Mexiko #EZLN #chiapas98 https://amerika21.de/2025/05/274981/mexiko-ezln-unterstuetzer-verhaftet
