Una MAGA sostiene la deregulation di Trump
Da "Collegamenti per l'organizzazione diretta di classe" n. 9/Primavera 2025 riportiamo un articolo di Visconte Grisi che mette in luce le contraddizioni della "deregulation" trumpiana ma anche gli elementi di continuità con le politiche delle amministrazioni precedenti.
Se
https://collegamenti.noblogs.org/post/2025/04/09/una-maga-sostiene-la-deregulation-di-trump/
#Internazionale #globalizzazione #PaulMattick #ReArmEurope #SituazioneUSA #Trump
Dietz-Bücher schenken, Tipp 21 💙 Das Buch zum Rausschmeißer des Jahres: »Die Rückkehr der Inflation. Geld und Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert« 💸 Paul Mattick bügelt alle hilflosen Erklärungen zu Inflation ab und analysiert sie im Kontext der Geschichte des Kapitalismus: https://dietzberlin.de/produkt/die-rueckkehr-der-inflation
#inflation #paulmattick #geld #wirtschaft #ökonomie #politischeökonomie #kapitalismus #marx #karlmarx
El Comunismo de Consejos (1939).
#PaulMattick
https://www.marxists.org/espanol/mattick/1930s/1939-consejos.htm
"In fact, the ‘lessons of history’ seem to be largely wasted on the new generation, which often merely repeats in a more insolent fashion and with less sophistication the proven mistakes of the past. Instead of finding their orientation in the actual social conditions and their possibilities, the new leftists base their concerns mainly on a set of ideologies that have no relevance to the requirements of social change in capitalist nations. They find their inspiration not in the developmental processes of their own society but in the heroes of popular revolution in faraway countries, thereby revealing that their enthusiasm is not as yet a real concern for decisive social change."
#PaulMattick "Anti-Bolshevik Communism"
Aquí Paul Mattick explica el origen de la división entre trabajo manual y trabajo intelectual, la división entre teoría y praxis. Esto también explica por qué la intelectualidad tiende a creerse mejor que las trabajadoras manuales y por qué algunos marxistas se creen destinados a dirigir al proletariado como si fuera un rebaño incapaz de pensar y organizarse por sí mismo.
#PaulMattick
Il colpo di Stato che non fu tale https://www.carmillaonline.com/2021/03/29/il-colpo-di-stato-che-non-fu/ #bandieraconfederata #classeoperaiabianca #suprematistibianchi #bandieradiGadsden #BlackLivesMatter #TimothySnyder #Campidoglio #DonaldTrump #PaulMattick #Interventi #CasaBianca #StatiUniti #AnitaHill #JoeBiden #razzismo #Covid19
Con Salgari alle radici del tempo https://www.carmillaonline.com/2021/02/07/un-novello-salgari-in-fondo-al-buio/ #sinistraextra-parlamentare #gentiluominidifortuna #GianpieroMotti #AndreaGobetti #LionelTerray #nuovomattino #WernerHerzog #arrampicata #PaulMattick #Rivoluzione #speleologia #Recensioni #innerspace #alpinismo #avventura #Filippine #CAI-Uget #montagne #violenza #Albania #inutile #Salgari #grotte #Lenin #sogno
Just as little as Lenin and Trotsky knew what they were actually doing when they were fighting for socialism, just as little do Hitler and Mussolini know today what they are doing in fighting for a greater Germany and the Roman Empire. In the world as it is, there is a wide difference between what men want to do, and what they are actually doing. Men, however great, are very small before history, which steps beyond them and surprises them always anew with the results of their own surprising schemes.
#PaulMattick #保尔马提克
这话总结得深刻，不愧是 #PaulMattick
“The dialectic movement of the world makes every problem an historical problem. It also changes in its course the role of organizations and ideas. What once was revolutionary becomes with general development, reactionary. Organizations, tactics and ideologies that were once the expression of progressive development of the proletarian struggle against capitalism, in time and in the course of that struggle become obstacles in the path of further development. What was once revolutionary, in spite of the fact that it is has now become reactionary, lives on as a Tradition in its original content and form, and hinders the development of the new and the real revolutionary forces. This is why it is necessary that the weapon of criticism becomes the criticism of the weapons.”
#保尔马提克
“Until now the history of revolutionary Marxism has been the history of its defeats, which include the apparent successes that culminated in the emergence of state-capitalist systems. It is clear that early Marxism not only underestimated the resiliency of capitalism, but in doing so also overestimated the power of Marxian ideology to affect the consciousness of the proletariat. The process of historical change, even if speeded up by the dynamics of capitalism, is exceedingly slow, particularly when measured against the lifespan of an individual. But the history of failure is also one of illusions shed and experience gained, if not for the individual, at least for the class.” :ablobcry: :ablobcry: :ablobcry:
#PaulMattick #保尔马提克 #马克思主义
“What one generation learns, another forgets, driven by forces beyond its control and therefore comprehension.” :ablobcry: 太绝望了
#PaulMattick #保尔马提克
马克思主义的商品化、学术化和无害化
Marxism, however, signifies neither more nor less than the destruction of capitalism. Even as a scientific discipline it offers nothing to the bourgeoisie. And yet, as an alternative to the discredited bourgeois social theory, it may serve the latter by providing it with some ideas useful for its rejuvenation. After all, one learns from the opposition. Moreover, in its apparently “realized” form in the “socialist countries,” Marxism points to practical solutions that may also be useful in the mixed economies, such as a further increase of stabilizing governmental regulations. An income and wage policy, for instance, comes quite close to the analogous arrangements in centrally controlled economic systems. Finally, in view of the absence of revolutionary movements, the academic type of Marxian inquiry is risk-free, inasmuch as it is restricted to the world of ideas. Strange as it may seem, it is the lack of such movements in a period of social turmoil that turns Marxism into a marketable commodity and a cultural phenomenon attesting to the tolerance and democratic fairness of bourgeois society.
The sudden popularity of Marxian theory nonetheless reflects an ideological as well as an economic crisis of capitalism. Above all it affects those responsible for the manufacture and distribution of ideologies — that is, middle-class intellectuals specializing in social theory. Their class as a whole may feel itself endangered by the course of capitalist development, with its visible social decay, and thus genuinely seek for alternatives to the social dilemma that is also their own. They may do so for motives that, however opportunistic, are necessarily bound up with a critical attitude toward the prevailing system. In this sense, the current “Marxian renaissance” may foreshadow a return of Marxism as a social movement of both theoretical and practical import.
对学院马的吐槽也太妙了
This new interest in Marxism in general, and in “Marxist economics” in particular, pertains almost exclusively to the academic world, which is essentially the world of the middle class. There is an enormous outpouring of Marxian literature; “Marxology” has become a new profession, and there are Marxist branches of “radical” economics, history, philosophy, sociology, psychology, and so forth. All may prove to be no more than an intellectual fad. But even so this phenomenon bears witness to the present twilight state of capitalist society and its loss of confidence in its own future. Whereas in the past the progressive integration of the labor movement into the fabric of capitalism implied the accommodation of socialist theory to the realities of an unfolding capitalism, this process is now seemingly reversed through the many attempts to utilize the findings of Marxism for capitalist purposes. This two-pronged endeavor at reconciliation, at overcoming at least to some extent the antagonism between Marxian and bourgeois theory, reflects a crisis in both Marxism and bourgeois society.
As in 1914, internationalism, and with it Marxism, was again drowned in the surging sea of nationalism and imperialism. Policies found their basis in the exigencies of the shifting imperialist power constellations, which led first to the Hitler-Stalin pact and then to the anti-Hitler alliance between the USSR and the democratic powers. The end of even the purely verbal aspirations of Marxism found a belated symbolization in the liquidation of the Third International. The outcome of the war, preordained by its imperialist character, divided the world into two power blocs, which soon resumed competition for world control. The anti-fascist nature of the war implied the restoration of democratic regimes in the defeated nations and thus the reemergence of political parties, including those with a Marxist connotation. In the East, Russia restored her empire and added to it spheres of interest as so much war booty. The breakdown of colonial rule created the “third world” nations, which adopted either the Russian system or a mixed economy of the Western type. A form of neocolonialism arose that subjected the “liberated” nations to more indirect but equally effective control by the great powers. But the spread of state-capitalist-oriented nations was commonly seen as the diffusion of Marxism over the globe, and the arrest of this tendency as a struggle against a Marxism that threatened the (undefined) freedoms of the capitalist world. This type of Marxism and anti-Marxism has no connection whatever with the struggle between labor and capital as envisioned by Marx and the early labor movement.
Marxism was reduced to an ideological weapon exclusively serving the defensive needs of a particular state and a single country. No longer encompassing international revolutionary aspirations, it utilized the Communist International as a limited policy instrument for the special interests of Bolshevik Russia. But these interests now included, in increasing measure, the maintenance of the international status quo in order to secure that of the Russian system. If at first it had been the failure of world revolution that induced Russia’s policy of entrenchment, it was now the stability of world capitalism that became a condition of Russian security, and which the Stalinist regime endeavored to enhance. The spread of fascism and the high probability of new attempts to find imperialist solutions to the world crisis endangered not only the state of coexistence but also Russia’s internal conditions, which demanded some degree of international tranquility. Marxist propaganda ceased to concern itself with problems of capitalism and socialism but, in the form of anti-fascism, directed itself against a particular political form of capitalism that threatened to unleash a new world war. This implied, of course, the acceptance of anti-fascist capitalist powers as potential allies and thus the defense of bourgeois democracy against attacks from either the right or the left, as exemplified during the civil war in Spain.
Marxism, however, as the critique of political economy and as the struggle for a nonexploitative classless society, has meaning only within the capitalist relations of production. An end of capitalism would imply the end of Marxism as well. For a socialist society, Marxism would be a fact of history like everything else in the past. Already the description of “socialism” as a Marxist system denies the self-proclaimed socialist nature of the state-capitalist system. Marxist ideology functions here as no more than an attempt to justify the new class relations as necessary requirements for the construction of socialism and thus to gain the acquiescence of the laboring classes. As in the capitalism of old, the special interests of the ruling class are made to appear as general interests.
But even so, in the beginning Marxism-Leninism was a revolutionary doctrine, for it was deadly serious about realizing its own concept of socialism by direct, practical means. While this concept implied no more than the formation of a state-capitalist system, this was the way in which, at the turn of the century, socialism had been quite generally understood. It is therefore not possible to speak of a Bolshevik “betrayal” of the prevailing Marxist principles; on the contrary, it realized the state-capitalist transformation of private-property capitalism, which had been the declared goal also of Marxist revisionists and reformists. The latter, however, had lost all interest in acting upon their apparent beliefs and preferred to accommodate themselves to the capitalist status quo. What the Bolsheviks did was to actualize the program of the Second International by way of revolution.
