ELN culpó a Petro de “claudicar ante EEUU” tras bombardeo que dejó siete guerrilleros muertos
#Guerrilla
Así vivían guerrilleros del ELN bombardeados por orden de Petro: detectaron búnker y cumbres criminales (VIDEOS)
One C-60 Commando Killed In Firefight With Alleged Maoists Along Gadchiroli-Narayanpur Inter-District Border: India
A commando of the Maharashtra police’s elite C-60 unit was killed, while another commando was injured, in an anti-Maoist combing operation currently underway along the inter-district border of Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli and Chhattisgarh’s Narayanpur, a police official announced to the press today.
The combing operation was launched on Tuesday based on intelligence inputs about the presence of CPI (Maoist) company-10 cadres in the Abujhmad area. During the operation the security personnel encountered a squad of persons believed to be Maoists and an exchange of fire ensued, according to the police official.
The deceased C-60 commando was injured during the skirmish and was airlifted to a government health facility at Bhamragad on Friday morning. He died while undergoing treatment at the hospital, the police official declared in his report.
Another commando also sustained bullet injuries and was airlifted to Bhamragad. He was said to be out of danger and would be airlifted to Gadchiroli, the police official stated in his remarks to the press.
The combing operation is still ongoing, the police official said in conclusion.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27977 #asia #guerrilla #india #naxal #naxalite #resistanceSource : https://telanganatoday.com/c-60-jawan-three-maoists-killed-in-abujhmad-anti-naxal-operation
Out of Touch — ELN
Some commentators have claimed that the ELN is “out of touch” with the proposed National Agreement, when it should be quite the opposite. What should truly be considered “out of touch” is the social, political, and armed conflict that has persisted for over seven decades without resolution. We have stated that the logic and strategies that have been repeatedly applied should be analyzed, as they have ultimately led us to the same impasse.
Einstein would say that stupidity lies in expecting positive results by doing the same things that previously led to failure. All the logic and strategies of the State and governments have been centered on seeking peace through surrender, capitulation, and pacification; these have worked for them in that regard, but not for definitively ending this conflict with its social, political, and economic roots. I remember when the M-19 and part of the EPL demobilized (1990). This event was presented as the “end of armed struggle in Colombia,” and commentators said that all that remained were gangs, just like now. In those years (1993), I met Antonio Navarro in Havana, in the context of the São Paulo Forum. In one of his outbursts of anger, he told me, “You won’t last another year in the guerrilla.”
That euphoria for peace would soon end, and the armed conflict would continue. César Gaviria’s “comprehensive war” failed to eliminate the guerrillas, nor did Pastrana with his Plan Colombia, and then Uribe came to power. Santos would win a Nobel Prize for waging war, something that’s fashionable now, and he would apply the same formula to demobilize and disarm the FARC. It was said back then (2016), ten years ago now—not a week, not a month, but a decade—that the ELN had no other option but to follow the same path. The government acted clumsily, blocking the process with the ELN and dragging it out until the agreement with the FARC was ready, thus forcing its acceptance. “The ELN missed the boat,” commentators said. Today we are at that same point, but with 36 more years of armed struggle than the M-19 and 10 more than the FARC. Essentially, the country continues with its structural crisis: poverty, corruption, political persecution, paramilitarism, and the absence of an economic plan that addresses people’s anxieties.
Are we going to continue enduring so much suffering among the poor at hospital doors and the blatant disregard shown by the EPS (Health Promoting Entities)? Are we going to keep blaming the people for drug trafficking, when at its core lies the lack of responsibility and policies from centers of power, from the United States to the Colombian government and state? It’s up to the population as a whole to help them, because they haven’t been capable of doing so themselves—let’s not kid ourselves. Or are the authorities going to blame the criminals for their own incompetence, perpetuating the vicious cycle of prosecution and repression? This sociological theory can be taught at the Sergio Arboleda University, but the problem is that it’s becoming widespread in public opinion. God save Colombia from this blindness.
The spirit of the National Agreement lies in going to society to seek help, their opinions, their wisdom, their life experiences. Deep down, there are shortcomings among the ruling classes in listening to others, and when we don’t take others into account, we only hear the solitude of words devoid of life. Peace can be real when change ceases to be just a promise. Peace is built along the same path that brings about change.
ADDENDUM 1: With an act of war, Trump won the Nobel Peace Prize and now wants to seize Venezuela’s oil.
ADDENDUM 2: What if Milei followed Trump’s bad example, but with the Falkland Islands?
Commander Antonio García
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27973 #colombia #eln #guerrilla #southAmerica
Anunciado Horizon Hunters Gathering, el nuevo título de acción co-op de Guerrilla
#Noticias #BetasPlayStation #Guerrilla #HorizonHuntersGathering #SonyInteractiveEnterntainment
Russian Soldiers Shooting At Each Other Due To Mass Starlink Failure
https://charter97.org/en/news/2026/2/6/672656/
#WarOfAggression #Europa #Ukraine #ATESH #Starlink #terminals #guerrilla #warfare #army #war #Russia #WarCriminal #invaders #occupiers #defenders
#перемогаYкраїни
https://www.wacoca.com/games/1315761/ 『ホライゾン』シリーズ最新作『Horizon Hunters Gathering（仮）』発表 ##GAMING #Game #GameNews #games #GamingNews #Guerrilla #HorizonHuntersGathering #PS5 #SIE #ゲーミング #ゲーム #ゲーム攻略 #ゲーム最新情報 #ニュース #久田晴
『ホライゾン』シリーズ最新作『Horizon Hunters Gathering（仮）』発表 https://www.yayafa.com/2713787/ #Guerrilla #HorizonHuntersGathering #PS5 #SCIENCE #Science&Technology #SIE #Technology #テクノロジー #ニュース #久田晴 #科学 #科学＆テクノロジー
An Unholy Alliance Prepares for War against Colombia’s Guerrillas
Colombian President Gustavo Petro seems to be nervous. As his February 3 meeting with Donald Trump in the Oval Office approaches—with a president who has accused him of being a narco and recently orchestrated the capture of Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro on similar charges—Petro’s rhetoric has intensified around two themes: national sovereignty and his interpretation of the war on drugs. Maduro’s capture represents an unprecedented act of US intervention in the region, creating immediate pressure on Petro’s administration to balance regional solidarity with its relationship with Washington ahead of the official meeting.
In recent speeches, Petro emphasizes Colombia’s sovereignty while simultaneously highlighting a shared battle against “mafias”—a category that, for both him and his northern counterpart, includes the ELN (Ejercito de Liberación Nacional – National Liberation Army), one of Colombia’s last remaining Marxist guerrilla groups, as a common target.
Maduro’s capture’s impact rippled through Colombia’s armed groups almost immediately. Just nine days later, on January 12, the ELN issued a statement calling for “national unity,” while Iván Mordisco, commander of a dissident FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) faction, proposed an alliance among guerrilla groups. The timing is striking, as groups that have spent years in violent confrontation are suddenly proposing coordination precisely when US intervention has shifted from a rhetorical threat to concrete action.
To understand this moment, we must examine three interconnected developments: First, how Petro’s negotiations with armed groups, called “Total Peace” policy, transformed into fragmentation and warfare; second, what the armed groups actually mean by “unity” in their recent statements; and third, what scenarios may unfold as these dynamics collide amid US military maneuvers in the region.
From Total Peace to Total War
The shift in Petro’s peace politics began with the replacement of the High Commissioner for Peace Danilo Rueda by Otty Patiño in November 2023. Petro, who before taking office in August 2022 had boasted he would make peace with the ELN in three months, changed course with this personnel decision, swapping a recognized human rights defender for an old comrade from his time in the nationalist guerrilla group M-19. The change marked a fundamental transformation in strategy from comprehensive dialogue to selective negotiation backed by military pressure. Since then, nearly every guerrilla group sitting down at the table with the government has experienced internal divisions.
The first to divide were the ELN, the largest expression of Marxist guerrillas in Colombia today, with about 6,500 members in arms and a group that has negotiated with nearly every government over the last 40 years. Even though they always had a more federal structure compared to the hierarchical FARC, they managed to maintain organizational coherence throughout the years. But this time, things went differently. In early 2023, the ELN Central Command opened an internal probe into the “Comuneros del Sur” unit on the Ecuadorian border. Its commander, Gabriel Yepes “HH,” then broke with the ELN leadership and began separate talks with Colombia’s Peace Commissioner. The ELN leadership claimed “HH” and other commanders were undercover agents who staged a regional peace process and demobilization. This process is one of the few that could yield results during the Petro administration, but it comes at a high cost: According to regional sources, a new paramilitary group called “Autodefensas Unidas del Nariño” is emerging in the region.
The next split occurred within the EMC (Estado Mayor Central – Central General Staff), the largest faction of former FARC combatants who rejected the 2016 Havana Peace Agreement with the Colombian government. Currently led by Iván Mordisco, the group commands approximately 2,300 armed fighters. When the old FARC-EP demobilized, several mid-level commanders refused to abandon armed struggle. They continued expanding their ranks amid the peace process’s increasingly evident failures. The EMC’s major internal fracture emerged in late 2023 with the now emerging EMBF (Estado Mayor de Bloques y Frente – General Staff of Blocks and Front), led by alias Calarcá Córdoba. The rupture solidified by 2024 mainly because Calarcá reportedly rejected Mordisco’s attempts at centralized control. While Mordisco’s faction hardened its position against the government, including military operations during a ceasefire, which led to the end of his negotiations with the state, Calarcá’s group maintained discreet contacts to pursue independent negotiations. As of today, they remain at the negotiating table. According to latest estimates, Calarcá commands approximately 1,400 fighters. Meanwhile, Mordisco has recently faced accusations from Indigenous organizations of committing a genocide against the Nasa people in the Cauca region, further complicating the EMC’s already fractured landscape.
The last major split involved a new guerrilla group, the “Segunda Marquetalia,” a rearmed faction founded by former high-level FARC commanders. It is led by Iván Márquez, the chief negotiator at the Havana peace talks, who returned to arms following the arrest of his comrade Jesús Santrich. Due to the high profile of these rearmed guerrilla leaders, they soon faced military operations that significantly weakened their operational capacity. Segunda Marquetalia accused the rival EMC faction of collaborating with Colombian military and intelligence, as well as the employment of “foreign mercenaries” by the military in operations to kill commanders like Santrich. Notably, all these attacks occurred on Venezuelan territory, where the leadership had relocated to reorganize. Due to the new situation of their struggle, Segunda Marquetalia formed an alliance with other structures of former FARC militants who had established groups controlling illegal economies and wielding significant military power. These included the Comandos de la Frontera (Border Commands) and the Coordinadora Guerrillera del Pacífico (Pacific Guerrilla Coordination), operating in different parts of southeastern Colombia. Together, they commanded approximately 1,500 fighters. Segunda Marquetalia established formal dialogue with the government in June 2024, representing a significant advance for the Total Peace policy by bringing the most politically prominent dissident faction into negotiations alongside the ELN and EMC. However, by year’s end, the group experienced its own internal crisis when Iván Márquez publicly disavowed the negotiations in a letter. This rupture led the Border Commands and the Pacific Guerrilla Coordination to break away and form a separate group called CNEB (Coordinadora Nacional Ejército Bolivariano – National Coordinator Bolivarian Army).
These fractures reflect a broader transformation in Colombia’s armed conflict, which has partly shifted from ideological insurgency toward economic interests and regional control. The Petro government has emphasized this strongly, warning, for example, the ELN not to follow “the way of Pablo Escobar” while simultaneously adopting a divide-and-conquer approach—negotiating with some factions and offering benefits while attacking others. Ironically, the Petro administration is implementing its own version of Escobar’s “plata o plomo” (silver or lead) approach. Evidence of this strategy includes the November 2025 bombing of Mordisco’s camps, which resulted in the deaths of underage combatants and marked a clear escalation against non-negotiating factions. In contrast, the Calarcá faction reportedly utilized Colombian state security agencies for safe movement in July 2024 and maintains direct contact with intelligence operatives. Most disturbing are reports of cooperation between different armed groups and the Colombian military in combat operations, with shifting alliances that include Border Commands fighting against Calarcá, Mordisco’s forces confronting Calarcá, and Calarcá engaging the ELN in different regions. These fluid combinations suggest a deliberate strategy of manipulating inter-group rivalries to weaken armed organizations while advancing selective negotiations. The result is a fragmented landscape where former comrades-in-arms now fight each other, sometimes with tacit or explicit state support, blurring the traditional distinctions between counterinsurgency and guerrilla warfare in Colombia’s protracted conflict.
Unity Proposals
In early January 2026, all three major armed factions released political statements in direct response to the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and the expected effects on the Colombian conflict. Despite their internal divisions and mutual antagonisms, these proposals reveal a common thread: Each group frames its struggle within broader regional and geopolitical contexts, articulating visions that extend beyond Colombia’s borders.
The ELN’s National Agreement
The ELN’s January 12 statement contextualizes Colombia’s situation within global geopolitical tensions, particularly emphasizing increased US interventionism in Latin America and threats against Venezuela, Mexico, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Colombia. With Colombia facing parliamentary and presidential elections in the first half of 2026, the ELN proposes using the electoral campaign to debate a National Agreement with these objectives: establishing genuine national and popular sovereignty, eradicating poverty and political persecution, combating corruption and paramilitarism, redesigning economic policy to meet community needs, protecting ecosystems and transitioning to clean energy, and addressing drug trafficking through community participation. The proposal represents an attempt to reframe armed struggle within broader political mobilization and connects with Petro’s proposals. This can be understood as recognition that military confrontation alone cannot achieve their objectives.
Mordisco’s Great Insurgent Bloc
In a video statement released on January 8, Mordisco calls for forming a “great insurgent bloc” to resist military interventions, economic pressure, and imperialist aggression throughout the region. Notably, he addresses all armed groups—including the nearly disappeared Maoist EPL (Ejército Popular de Liberación – Popular Liberation Army)—while conspicuously omitting any mention of Calarcá. Despite historical divisions among these organizations, the statement emphasizes shared revolutionary ideals rooted in Bolívar’s vision of a unified “Patria Grande.” This represents a dramatic shift from recent violent confrontations between these same groups, suggesting that external threats have created a new common ground.
Segunda Marquetalia’s Bolivarian Federation
Through two statements released during these days, Segunda Marquetalia advocates for a “Bolivarian Federation of Sister Republics” based on Simón Bolívar’s 1826 Panama Congress vision, including a supranational government with permanent institutions, joint military capacity to defend regional sovereignty, trade agreements among member states, Hispanic-American citizenship to strengthen regional solidarity, and diplomatic coordination across Latin America. While ambitious to the point of utopian, this vision articulates what this group sees as the stakes—not merely the struggle of individual organizations but the defense of an entire regional political project against US intervention, framing the conflict as Monroeism versus Bolivarianism.
Emerging Scenarios and Strategic Implications
The simultaneous release of these political statements in the context of Trump’s threat against national sovereignty signals a potential inflection point in Colombia’s fragmented armed conflict. Whether these proposals represent genuine ideological repositioning or tactical maneuvering in response to external pressure, they illuminate possible trajectories for the coming period. Understanding these scenarios requires examining both the immediate tactical adjustments armed groups may undertake and the deeper structural dynamics shaping Colombia’s territorial conflicts.
Temporary Reduction of Inter-Insurgent Conflict
Armed groups may temporarily reduce confrontations among themselves to strengthen a collective capacity against state forces and imperialist aggression. The rhetoric of regional unity and anti-imperialism could provide ideological aspects for tactical ceasefires and/or alliances between factions that were recently engaged in lethal combat. However, the economic interests and territorial disputes that drove recent violence, like the control over coca cultivation zones, illegal mining operations, or smuggling routes, will not disappear simply because of external threats. These material foundations of conflict may prove more durable than any ideological rapprochement, making inter-insurgent truces fragile and contingent.
Venezuelan Territory and Border Dynamics
The expected security cooperation between the US, Colombia, and Venezuela following Maduro’s kidnapping will likely force armed groups to reduce their presence in Venezuelan territory, at least temporarily. This shift carries direct consequences for conflict dynamics in Colombia, particularly in strategic border regions like Arauca and Catatumbo, where groups have historically used Venezuelan territory as rear-guard zones for rest, reorganization, and refuge from Colombian military operations. The loss of this territorial depth could intensify competition for Colombian territory as groups compress their operations into more confined areas, potentially escalating violence in border departments as factions compete for diminished safe havens. Particularly, the ELN is cooperating with Venezuelan authorities on a local level. The US think tank Crisis Group describes the ELN as a “binational guerrilla” that has become a fundamental pillar of the Venezuelan government’s stability, at least at a local level, exercising state-like territorial control over large parts of the 2,200 km border corridor. Crisis Group highlights a symbiotic relationship where the ELN acts as a “disorder regulator” alongside Venezuelan security forces, moving away from traditional drug trafficking toward more lucrative and easily laundered mineral extraction, specifically gold, coltan, and diamonds in the Orinoco Mining Arc.
US Military Intervention Prospects
The possibility of US military intervention looms as perhaps the most significant variable. The US may conduct airstrikes or special operations against ELN and Mordisco positions as part of the apparent Trump-Petro agreement, framed as counter-narcotics operations but functioning as direct counterinsurgency. This would mark a dramatic escalation in Colombia’s conflict and could paradoxically strengthen ideological unity among armed groups in their anti-imperialist approach while devastating their operational capacity. The precedent of US military action in Colombia dates back to Plan Colombia, but direct strikes against guerrilla leadership would represent a qualitative shift, transforming the conflict’s political character and regional dimensions.
Extraction Economics and Territorial Reorganization
The above-mentioned case of Nariño and the reemergence of paramilitary groups illustrates ongoing dynamics that extend beyond immediate military considerations. The demobilization of “Comuneros del Sur” has led to territorial reorganization involving emerging paramilitary structures. This pattern, repeated across Colombia’s recent history, suggests that wherever armed groups weaken or withdraw, the resulting power vacuum is filled not by state institutions providing public services but by security arrangements oriented toward economic exploitation, also facilitating the operations of multi-national corporations.
Similar patterns may emerge in other regions where armed groups face military pressure or engage in demobilization processes. Security policy becomes central to struggles over territorial wealth and natural resource exploitation, with “pacification” creating conditions for investment, extraction, and productive reorganization benefiting national and transnational capital. The question is not whether territories will be controlled, but by whom and for what purposes.
Counterinsurgency and the Future of Armed Struggle
Latin American history demonstrates that anti-drug policies have repeatedly functioned as expansive counterinsurgency mechanisms, enabling coordination of military, judicial, economic, and media forces oriented not merely toward neutralizing illegal networks but toward territorial reorganization and population control. Under security rhetoric, control practices extend across social movements, local economies, and community organizations, reframing political dissidence as internal security threats.
Territorial stabilization, presented as a prerequisite for combating drug trafficking, simultaneously creates conditions for investment, resource extraction, and productive reorganization. Security policy becomes inseparable from struggles over territorial and social wealth, oriented toward natural resource exploitation benefiting national and transnational capital. The ongoing electoral process with parliamentary elections in March and presidential elections in May will clarify whether this dynamic continues to unfold or whether Petro’s “Total Peace” policy survives a potential change in administration.
The kidnapping of Maduro and the apparent Trump-Petro alliance create a critical juncture for Colombia’s armed groups. The threat of unprecedented collaboration between US, Colombian, and Venezuelan authorities may temporarily unify insurgent interests around shared survival imperatives. The simultaneous release of political statements emphasizing unity suggests capacity for strategic alignment, even among bitter rivals. However, the regional character of contemporary insurgent structures, territorially dispersed and economically embedded in local illegal economies, means these groups may have lost the tactical and strategic capacity to overwhelm state power that earlier generations of guerrillas possessed. At its height, the FARC commanded perhaps 20,000 combatants with centralized command structures; today’s fragmented groups combined barely reach half of that number, divided among partially antagonistic organizations.
This moment could represent a genuine “window of opportunity” for these groups to overcome internal differences and build shared strategic visions capable of resisting state and US pressure. The ideological coherence of their statements, all invoking Bolivarian anti-imperialism, all framing struggle in international rather than purely national terms, suggests some foundation for cooperation. The coming months will reveal whether external threats can forge lasting insurgent coordination or whether a Petro-Trump deal pushes fragmentation beyond the point of reversal.
source: Comrawire
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27839 #colombia #eln #farc #guerrilla #resistance #southAmerica
#Colombia 🇨🇴 | Tras una retórica de ruptura con Washington, el Gobierno de Gustavo Petro reconfigura su política exterior hacia una cooperación militar clásica con Estados Unidos.
https://www.desdeabajo.info/rotador-incio/item/petro-del-antiimperialismo-al-plan-colombia.html
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5 Persons With Alleged Links To The CPI (Maoist) Arrested By Police In Nagarkurnool District
Police arrested five persons they claim have links to the CPI (Maoist), including two cadres and three sympathizers of the Maoist party, in Telangana’s Nagarkurnool district on Saturday.
Officials of the Nagarkurnool district police said the arrests were part of an operation to curb attempts to revive Maoist activity in the erstwhile Mahbubnagar district and Nallamalla region.
District police officials allege that the detained persons have been identified as Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee military instructors’ team commander Meesala Saloman alias Santhosh Nagraj and his wife Sanbatti. The remaining three persons in police custody are said to have been identified as a government teacher and Telangana Praja Front co-convener Edla Ambaiah, petrol pump owner and Civil Liberties Committee joint secretary Jakka Balaiah, and a farmer, Manshetty Yadaiah.
District police officials claim combing operations had forced the Maoists to abandon base camps and attempt to regroup in smaller units. As part of this strategy, Saloman and Sanbatti were purported to have arrived in Achampet to revive Maoist party activities with the help of affiliated frontal organizations, acting on instructions from senior underground CPI (Maoist) leaders.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27621 #asia #guerrilla #india #repression #resistance
https://elsolnoticias.com/contenido/1590/guerrilla-en-la-guerra-de-independencia #independencia #cultura #historia #guerrilla #pueblo #gente #news #noticias #elsolniticias
Antonio García: ‘A National Agreement Is Required’
In the last week, Antonio García, first comandante of the ELN, gave interviews to journalists from the United Kingdom, France and the United States; Here we present a selection of his responses, about the kidnapping of President Maduro, the resistance to imperialist aggression and the political solution to the conflict.
THE SUNDAY TIMES NEWSPAPER OF THE UNITED KINGDOM
[1] What impact does the arrest of Nicolás Maduro have on the political and military strategy of the National Liberation Army?
AG: The impact is not for the ELN, but for international legislation, since any president of any government, who does not share the policy of the United States, can be attacked and kidnapped by the American military forces. It also sets a precedent for the application of extraterritorial justice, destroying the sovereignty of the judicial systems of other countries, putting an end to the existence of Nation States.
For the ELN it is the reaffirmation of the existence of flesh and blood imperialism and that it does not distance itself from wars, to deal or understand with other States, legitimizing the right to defense and the fight of resistance.
[2] In the case of a direct military intervention by the United States in Venezuela, what would be the position and reaction of the ELN?
AG: The ELN at various times in its history has been linked to international solidarity, the José Antonio Galán National Pro-Liberation Brigade, which would give rise to the ELN, was created to link itself to fighting with the Cuban people, in the October crisis in 1962. We also had comrades supporting the struggle in Nicaragua, El Salvador and other processes.
We are an Organization linked to the struggle of the National Liberation Movements of the world and we listen when they call us, to support the struggle of the people, we are not interventionist, when they call us we support in solidarity and therefore we place ourselves under the orders of those people and processes. We do not direct anything where it does not belong to us.
FRENCH PRESS AGENCY (AFP)
[3] What changes for you as a structure that operates on the border, the fact that Nicolás Maduro is no longer the president of Venezuela? Is it true that you are or were in Venezuelan territory and began your return to Colombia?
AG: The location of the ELN structures is defined by the strategic plan, Colombia’s land borders are 5 and two oceans. Due to its configuration, for each of them there is a definition in the plan, the same with the seas and rivers, no one ‘puts their eggs in one basket’. What happened in Venezuela affects the continent because the American troops kidnapped a President, who even made Petro change his speech.
The ELN is focused with priority on Colombia. The government and the military have always said that I spend my time abroad, that is not new, if I told them now that I was abroad, they would say that I was in Colombia. What I do specify is that there is no exodus in the ELN and it is attentive to threats.
[4] Alias Iván Mordisco proposed a union of guerrillas to fight against the United States, will you accept?
AG: As soon as the demobilization dissident groups began to form, they were told that we agreed to talk when they were unified, so as not to talk to each faction, but they could not join and it became complex. If it is to defend the Homeland against the foreign aggressor, we will find ourselves in the fight.
MAX BEARAK FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES
[5] Has the ELN been increasing its military capabilities in anticipation of offensives by Colombian and US forces?
AG: The generation and creation of capabilities with the application of technology in our weapons is not new, that cannot be improvised, the State military has realized, it is no longer a secret, we have been developing that plan for more than 10 years in our military industry, in various types of weapons.
[6] Are you still open to dialogue with President Petro, or do you feel that he has abandoned the peace process with the ELN?
AG: The ELN speaks to the country, it presents its proposal for a National Agreement to all political and social forces, to all candidates for the next government; Of course, Petro is part of the political game in the composition of forces in the next elections. Now it is about going beyond a dialogue, to build a more in-depth route that allows overcoming both the country’s structural crisis and the social, political and armed conflict.
We have already seen that all governments have fallen short in their peace policies and a national agreement is required that makes this possible, a truly constituent process that has the strength to produce the changes that the regime and the political class block in parliament.
Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/01/19/antonio-garcia-se-requiere-un-acuerdo-de-pais/
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27557 #AntonioGarcía #colombia #eln #guerrilla #southAmerica #usImperialism #venezuela
Police In West Singhbhum District Report The Encounter Killing Of CPI (Maoist) CC Member Anal Da
At least 15 persons believed to be Maoists, including a Central Committee member of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), were killed in an encounter with security personnel in Jharkhand’s West Singhbhum district on Thursday, Inspector General of Police (Operations) Michael Raj announced to the press today.
According to the IGP, the exchange of fire broke out deep inside the Saranda forest near Kumbhdih village, under the Chotanagra police station limits, and was ongoing at the time of his report to the media.
The IGP claimed that among those killed in the skirmish was Anal Da, also known as Tufan or Pati Ram Majhi, a Central Committee member of the CPI (Maoist). Anal Da was considered a key strategist and operational commander of the Maoist party in the Saranda region, a long-standing stronghold of the CPI (Maoist) due to its dense forests, rugged hills and difficult terrain.
As per the IGP’s statement, security forces were conducting a large-scale anti-Maoist combing operation based on intelligence inputs when Maoist cadres, allegedly lying in ambush, opened fire early in the morning. The security personnel retaliated, triggering heavy gunfire that lasted for several hours.
The IGP stated in his remarks said the operation began around 6.30 am. “We cannot confirm the exact number of Maoists killed as the operation is still underway. However, along with Anal Da, around eight to nine more Maoists have been neutralized,” the IGP was quoted as saying, adding that security forces have cordoned off the area and are carrying out intensive combing operations.
According to the district police, Saranda forest has long been a center of activity of the Maoist party.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=27503 #asia #guerrilla #india #maoism #repression #resistance
Reem Al-Riyashi – Daughter of Al-Zaytoun
On 14 January 2004, Reem Saleh Al-Riyashi, 22 years old, became the first female martyr of the Izz El-Din Al-Qassam Brigades.
Reem grew up in the Al-Zaytoun neighborhood of Gaza City, one of ten children, six boys and four girls, the eighth in the family. She excelled in her studies, achieving 96% in high school, and chose to study engineering, though she postponed her academic projects to get married and raise her children.
Her path to the resistance began in high school, influenced by resistant thought. She made her intention for martyrdom known to leaders, including the martyred Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, who advised her to focus on raising the next generation of youth to love the cause and embrace sacrifice.
When men’s movements were heavily restricted during the Second Intifada, Reem was called upon to act.
The Operation
At 9:37 a.m., 14 January 2004, Reem carried out her martyrdom operation at Beit Hanoun crossing “Erez”. She had inspected the site days earlier, studying the mechanisms carefully to know how to move through it.
Reem detonated the explosive belt, killing four zionist soldiers and injuring ten, four critically. Zionist forces quickly surrounded the area. Reports confirmed indescribable damage. A zionist commander stated:
The perpetrator of the “Erez” operation deceived the soldiers during the security checks. She exploited their preoccupation and suddenly advanced toward them before detonating herself.
A Historic First
Reem was the seventh Palestinian female resistance martyr, the first within Al-Qassam Brigades, and the first from Gaza. She was 22 years old, a mother of two.
This operation carried deep messages: the first female martyrdom mission prepared by Al-Qassam Brigades after previously rejecting the option. It demonstrated the determination of Palestinian women to rise for the cause, even as mothers and students.
From Reem’s Will
“I turn to you without men, because I no longer see men among us, only remnants of them in Palestine and Iraq. You are the remaining hope for this Ummah after it has been emptied of men. You are responsible for leading this nation toward victory, dignity, and honor after men resembling men dragged it into humiliation and disgrace that spread from its east to its west.”
Reem Saleh Al-Riyashi – daughter, mother, student, hero, martyr.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=26988 #gaza #guerrilla #hamas #resisntance #westAsia
On the War Crime of Disproportionate Use of Force and Bombing That Killed 3 Mangyan-Iraya Children in Abra de Ilog, Occidental Mindoro
There is no military, legal or moral justification for the relentless bombardment carried out by the 203rd Infantry Brigade of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in Abra de Ilog, Occidental Mindoro last January 1 that killed three Mangyan-Iraya children and terrorized entire Mangyan communities. Reports suggest that the AFP dropped at least 12 bombs and conducted aerial strafing in the area. These bombings and indiscriminate firing against civilians are tantamount to war crimes, and the NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children hold the 203rd IB and Marcos Jr. as their commander-in-chief, directly responsible.
Under International Humanitarian Law, the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution are absolute. The bombing of areas where the Mangyan national minorities live constitutes a blatant and deliberate violation of these principles. The deaths of the three children, two youth, and now the AFP’s continuing refusal to release an unarmed civilian in their custody expose that the AFP’s so-called “counterinsurgency operations” are in essence indiscriminate attacks on civilians.
These attacks are grossly disproportionate, and the AFP knew fully well and yet deliberately ignored that Mangyan-Iraya children and civilian families would be in the areas they were bombing. But they proceeded regardless.
Since the time of war criminal Gen. Jovito Palparan, Mindoro Island has been turned into a permanent killing field, with the 203rd IB at the center of systematic violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. For decades, Indigenous Mangyan communities have been subjected to indiscriminate bombings, enforced evacuations, food blockades, the military occupation of civilian spaces, the harassment, and interrogation of children, and the routine collapse of the distinction between civilian and combatant. Under the current Marcos Jr. regime, Mindoro is effectively under de facto martial law, marked by constant troop deployment, aerial bombardment, checkpoints, surveillance, and restrictions on movement – conditions under which Mangyan communities, and especially children, continue to be treated as expendable in an ongoing counterrevolutionary war against the people.
We demand the immediate cessation of all AFP military operations in Mindoro, including aerial bombings, combat patrols, and so-called “clearing operations” that continue to place Mangyan communities in grave danger. The de facto state of martial law in the island must stop.
We further demand the immediate release of Chantal Anicoche, whose continued detention under the custody of the AFP forms part of a broader campaign of repression against those defending the rights of indigenous communities. We warn the Marcos Jr. government and the AFP that the international community is watching closely, and that those responsible will have their day of reckoning.
The NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children will continue to monitor, document and expose these violations of IHL and children’s rights committed in Mindoro, and will pursue all available avenues to hold perpetrators accountable. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the three Mangyan-Iraya children and to all victims of militarization in Mindoro.
Coni Ledesma, NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=26904 #asia #guerrilla #ndfp #philippines #repression
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Police Claim 1 Guerrilla Killed And 2 Arrested In Encounter With Security Forces In Begusarai District
A person believed to be a CPI (Maoist) cadre was killed, while two others purported to be his associates were arrested, following an exchange of fire with security personnel in Bihar’s Begusarai district late on Wednesday evening (December 31, 2025), a police official announced to the press today.
According to the police official, the deceased has been identified as Dayanand Malakar, also known as Chhotu and Kuldip. Malakar was said to be a secretary of the Maoist party’s North Bihar Central Zonal Committee.
A resident of Hamodis village under Birpur police station of Begusarai, Malakar had taken shelter in Nonpur village under Teghra police station of the district, the police official alleged.
Acting on intelligence inputs, joint teams of the STF and district police went to the spot where Malakar was hiding along with two of his associates. On spotting the security personnel, Malakar opened fire in an attempt to escape, prompting police to fire back. He was injured in the ensuing skirmish and later declared dead when taken to the nearest government hospital. Two of his associates were arrested, the police official declared in his remarks to the press.
The police recovered one 5.56 mm INSAS rifle, a country-made pistol and 25 live and 15 spent cartridges from the site of the encounter, the police official stated in conclusion.
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=26406 #asia #guerrilla #india #maoism #repression #resistance
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