In an interview with The Saturday Paper, the leader of the Australian Greens outlines her vision for the party as a ‘happy outcome’ of the split between the Liberal and National parties. By Karen Barlow.In the collapse of the Coalition, the Greens see opportunity. Ahead of parliament’s return, they are positioning themselves as the party of progressive reform and stability – a natural balance to Labor and an ally in passing legislation.
“Perhaps a happy outcome of the Coalition’s meltdown might be that the government sees that the Greens can get shit done, but it’s got to be shit that actually helps people and helps the planet,” the party’s leader, Larissa Waters, tells The Saturday Paper.
“I think it’s very unedifying that in a summer of climate crises, where cost of living and the housing crisis continues to be at the front of people’s minds, the Coalition, rather than focusing on those things, are just focused on themselves.”
Waters is calling on the prime minister – who has had a long-running and well-documented animosity to the party – to use this moment as an opportunity to break free from the major party status quo.
Waters, who took over the Greens leadership after Adam Bandt lost his House seat in the last election, says that while “the Coalition are in meltdown, the Greens are here”.
“We’re a party that knows what we stand for. Our key policies and principles, we know what they are. They don’t change. We listen to evidence,” says Waters, a former environmental lawyer.
“If they had the courage and the vision to actually fix the system for ordinary people and protect nature, then there’s the numbers with the Greens in the parliament to do that.”
Progressive deal-making is “largely” there early in the Albanese government’s second term, according to a senior government insider.
Analysis by The Saturday Paper shows that of the 50 pieces of government legislation passed into law before the December 14 anti-Semitic Bondi terrorist attack, only six were passed with the explicit support of the Coalition. The rest were passed either on the voices or with explicit Greens support.
“Our pathway to getting things done has largely, not exclusively, been with the Greens and the progressive side of the parliament,” the government insider tells The Saturday Paper.
“It is not from us not talking to the Coalition and trying to work constructively with them.
“We definitely still engage with them as the logical other party of government. But if they, which they have done for some time, deal themselves out, either on a technicality or because of their internals, then, of course, we’re going to look for a different pathway.”
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese addressed the challenge in a January 16 press conference, as he tried to get Senate support for his attempt to bundle responsive hate speech laws with tougher gun reform, including a national gun buyback scheme.
The Labor leader pointed out that he particularly wanted to work with the “parties of government” – that is, the Coalition – but he was frustrated.
“This is like trying to grab smoke, trying to get an arrangement with the Coalition,” Albanese told reporters.
“How do you do it? They sat back last year and didn’t engage at all on environmental laws. Those environmental laws passed the parliament. We’re engaging constructively.”
The comments were telling.
“It does indicate that the government would prefer to work with the Coalition. That is always their first port of call,” Waters says.
“That’s because they’re both status quo parties, and they’re both accepting political donations from the same big companies, often the big polluters, and they’re both not wanting to actually change the system, because the system is working quite nicely for them and the people that donate to them, namely the big corporations and the very wealthy.
“I think it’s pretty clear that the government does prefer to do things in a ‘bipartisan’ manner.”
Preference and reality are two different things.
“I feel like the relationship is… it’s working. We’re getting results where we can,” Waters says.
“There’s a lot of lack of vision to actually tackle the real cause of the problems people are facing, but we have to just keep on trying.”
Critics question what the Greens have achieved in return for legislative support in the Senate, however.
The party secured stronger environmental protections while negotiating the overhaul of the outdated Environment Protection Biodiversity and Conservation Act, including removing fast-track approvals for coal and gas projects and mandating an end to exemptions for native forest logging within 18 months.
However, questions remain over the standards underpinning the Act and whether they will do enough to protect the environment.
The imminent drafting of the standards will be a test for the Greens.
The Greens were seen as not making big demands in return for gun reform in the wake of the attack.
“The Greens are terrible negotiators,” a crossbench source tells The Saturday Paper. “They have more power this term and they could have got more out of Labor, particularly over ammunition.
“Ammo could have been included in the gun buyback. Instead, they waived through the firearms reform.”
After stalled negotiations with the Coalition, Albanese split the omnibus bill to secure passage of part of the reforms during this month’s early return of parliament.
That was before the Nationals went their own way, blowing the Coalition up over Opposition Leader Sussan Ley’s enforcement of shadow cabinet solidarity.
Waters defends the Greens record on pragmatism and points to the singular case of both the Greens and the Coalition blocking government legislation regarding veterans’ honours and awards to the point of it being officially withdrawn.
That’s not mentioning the yearlong hold-up in the Senate for Labor’s “Help to Buy” shared equity scheme legislation, belatedly passed by the Greens in late 2024.
“In the last term of parliament, there was only one bill that didn’t pass, and the government worked with us on a lot of things. That’s happened again this time around,” she says.
“Perhaps they don’t like to draw attention to it for their own reasons, but our approach hasn’t shifted. We are willing to work with the government to do good things for people and nature and that’s just, as usual, a question of whether the government actually wants to make positive change or whether they just want to tinker around the edges and actually not really upset the apple cart.”
Albanese spent a significant amount of time in the previous parliamentary term denigrating the Greens as legislative blockers and part of the “Noalition” with the Coalition. The brash member for Griffith and Greens housing spokesperson, Max Chandler-Mather, who lost his seat at the May election, was a particular target.
Albanese was keen to make clear that the Greens were politicians like everyone else in the parliament – not ideologically pure environmentalists. He made a point of referring to them as the “Greens political party”.
Official transcripts show Albanese has eased off the phrase since the 2025 election and has only deployed it on two occasions in media appearances this year.
Waters insists the “Noalition” was more spin than fact, although she concedes it did have an impact on the election.
“It was just rhetoric. It was just positioning. And now that the Coalition is in meltdown, they’ve dialled down that rhetoric, because it’s clear they need to work with
the Greens if they want to get anything done,” she says.
“I do think it caught hold, even though it was not true and not based on fact. You can put that sort of spin out there, but truth is a casualty.”
Waters says she has a good working relationship with Albanese, describing herself as a straight talker. The prime minister, in turn, said Waters had engaged “constructively and honestly” over the government’s response to the Bondi terror attack.
The Greens leader is keen, in her own way, to assist Labor, which has been consistently criticised for lacking ambition and has been too shy of reform despite its thumping return on May 3.
“I feel perfectly comfortable making it clear what the Greens would like to see by way of reform, what we’re prepared to support, what we won’t come at because it’s not helpful for people or planet. And I think probably that level of straight-talking – apparently, that’s unusual in politics – often we’re the ones putting the ideas on the table.”
Waters, who entered parliament in 2011 describing herself as a “shameless optimist” who was seeking change through politics, says as leader she intends to be authentic and collegiate.
“Honesty is important to me, and I like to not bullshit people, and to be frank. Kind but frank,” she says.
“I really value the expertise of the Greens team, so I think that we are really well served when our team is working to its best. I try to genuinely have a consensus approach to things and that involves a lot of discussion. I’m aspiring to be a leader that sees the value in their team and really promotes the team members, and that is a no-bullshitter.”
Waters backs her colleague, long-serving environment and communications spokesperson Sarah Hanson-Young, who was caught up in the recent entitlements scandal that enveloped parliament.
Like Sport and Communications Minister Anika Wells, Hanson-Young’s repeated use of family reunion claims for her husband was brought into question, but it was ultimately not investigated by the Independent Parliamentary Expenses Authority as it involved travel to and from Canberra.
“Well, Sarah complied with the rules, which are set by an independent tribunal, the Remuneration Tribunal and the Independent Parliamentary Expenses Authority,” Waters says. “She’s complied with all of those rules, and I understand there’s been a review of those rules, and she and all of our other members will continue to comply with the rules, no matter what they are.”
Asked if Hanson-Young had paid back any money, the leader said, “Well, she didn’t break any rules, so that wasn’t required.”
Waters stresses there is little difference between her leadership and that of her predecessor, Adam Bandt, who has gone on to lead the Australian Conservation Foundation as its chief executive.
If anything, she points to communication style. “You will only hear me say good things about Adam, whether it’s publicly or privately,” Waters says. “He was just an incredible leader. He was a very hard-working man, super intellect, big heart; you’ll never hear me say anything other than those things about him.
“I’m leading in the way that feels the most authentic for me and that involves making sure everyone feels like they’re consulted, making sure we keep the focus on the community and the environment.”
As for traditional media, Waters is scathing of the Murdoch mastheads, saying they are propagating “1950s style fearmongering and sexism, climate denial and racism”.
When she holds press conferences as leader, she often shares the spotlight with colleagues and has been increasing her presence on social media and on podcasts.
“A lot of people aren’t really consuming media as much as they used to. That’s no shade on the skills of people such as yourself in the press gallery,” she says, laughing. “But we’ve got all sorts of ways of connecting with people and listening to the community, and the media sure is one of those ways. I’ll stand up and address the media as regularly as I can, but it’s not the only means we’ve got of getting our message out.”
Part of that will be a new focus on reaching male voters, who are less likely to vote Green than women. Younger generations are more likely to support the Greens, but Waters also acknowledges consistent support from progressive older people.
Waters said the need to reach male voters won’t involve new policies, just new messaging.
“We will be trying to reach out to men of all ages to let them know that actually our policies to make housing more affordable and groceries more affordable and clean energy more affordable help them just as much as they help women. They help all genders. They will help all communities and all households.”
The Greens were shocked by the loss of three lower house seats on May 3, including Bandt’s seat of Melbourne, which he had held for almost 15 years.
The party held its voter support nationally, but the collapse in the Coalition vote under Peter Dutton led to an unfavourable distribution of votes for the Greens MPs in Griffith, Brisbane and Melbourne.
A stable Senate vote for the Greens allowed them to maintain their presence in the upper house, until Western Australian Senator Dorinda Cox defected to Labor after the election.
“When there’s a seat that’s a three-way contest, it is relevant who comes second and who comes third to determine who comes first…” Waters says. “Australians were so freaked out about Peter Dutton bringing Trump-like politics to Australia that the Liberal vote completely tanked, and that was a great outcome. I’m pleased they rejected that sort of hateful and divisive and scary polity that Trump represents. But as a result of that, the electoral mass of those seats really changed.
“And even though our vote largely held, we lost three incredible, hard-working members.”
Waters won’t say where the Greens are focusing attention next. Previously targeted seats for the party included the Labor-held Melbourne seats of Wills and Macnamara, but now there will be a push to take back what was lost to Labor last year.
Last year, Chandler-Mather told the Nine newspapers the Greens focused too much in the campaign on warning voters against voting for Dutton, which pushed people to vote for Labor.
“In the end,” the former MP said, “we just ended up making an argument for a Labor government.”
Water says the Greens have learnt their lessons from that campaign.
“I think, on reflection, perhaps we slightly overemphasised that, rather than reinforcing what the Greens are here for and what we’ll fight for.”
The environment and climate change is core business for the Greens, but Waters wants the Greens to be seen as caring for the planet and people at the same time.
She says she will continue to urge Labor to factor in climate damage in legislation, even after the Greens failed to get a climate trigger in the environmental law reform.
The next fight for the Greens is over the drafting of the national environmental standards that will underpin the just-passed environmental law reforms. They are guides for making environmental decisions such as matters of national significance and how to offset environmental harm, and are being delivered through legally binding disallowable instruments.
“You’re right that the drafting of the standards is sort of the next instalment of whether or not those reforms can actually protect nature, and we’ll be scrutinising those,” Waters says.
“I know things are looking pretty grim. They’re feeling pretty grim. And after the summer we’ve had, it’s really clear we need to change direction if we’re to have a safe and liveable future and one where everyone can have a roof over their heads and a great education and good quality healthcare and a bus that goes past their house.
“It’s pretty clear we’ve got a lot of work to do before we can have those things, but I fundamentally believe in the goodness of humanity, and that’s a real guiding force for me.”