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Elena Kagan – Profile & Analysis

Elena Kagan – Profile & Analysis

By Steve Petteway, Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States – Elena Kagan – The Oyez Project, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=24636070

Appointed by: President Barack Obama (2010), replacing Justice John Paul Stevens.

Ideological position: Generally part of the Court’s liberal wing on voting rights, reproductive rights, LGBTQ+ equality, and the administrative state.

Background

  • Born in New York City in 1960; educated at Princeton, Oxford, and Harvard Law School.
  • Served as a law professor and later Dean of Harvard Law School.
  • Became the first woman Solicitor General of the United States before her Supreme Court appointment.

Judicial Style & Philosophy

  • Pragmatic liberal: Usually votes with the Court’s liberal bloc, but frames her opinions in practical, institutional terms rather than in sweeping theory.
  • Readable, accessible opinions: Known for clear, conversational writing aimed at lawyers and non-lawyers alike, often using concrete examples and occasional humor.
  • Institutionalist focus: Emphasizes process, transparency, and the Court’s legitimacy, especially in how it uses its emergency or “shadow” docket.

Key Themes & Notable Opinions

  • Voting rights & democracy: In cases like Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee, Kagan’s dissents warn that narrowing the Voting Rights Act weakens core protections for minority voters and harms democratic participation.
  • Administrative state & regulation: Opinions such as Kisor v. Wilkie and dissents in cases like West Virginia v. EPA show her concern for giving expert agencies room to implement complex statutes while still keeping them accountable to Congress and the courts.
  • Shadow docket criticism: Kagan has become one of the most vocal critics of the Court’s growing use of emergency orders to decide high-stakes disputes, arguing that unexplained late-night rulings undermine lower courts and public trust.
  • LGBTQ+ rights: She joined the majority in Obergefell v. Hodges (same-sex marriage) and has continued to support LGBTQ+ protections, warning that broad exemptions risk hollowing out formal equality.

Role on the Trump-Era Court

In Donald Trump’s second term, the conservative supermajority has repeatedly expanded presidential power, particularly over independent agencies and the federal workforce, often through the emergency docket. Kagan has emerged as a leading critic of this trend. In dissents to emergency orders and major merits cases, she argues that:

  • Congress, not the president alone, should control how agencies are structured and how their leaders can be removed.
  • Large shifts in federal power should not be made through unexplained emergency orders.
  • Weakening voting rights and dismantling regulatory protections threatens the democratic system the Court is meant to safeguard.

Bottom line: Justice Kagan is the Court’s institutionalist liberal voice—focused on protecting democracy, preserving Congress’s role, and insisting that the Supreme Court explain itself openly when it makes decisions that reshape American law and government.

Selected Sources & Further Reading

  • Oyez, “Elena Kagan: Biography and Cases.”
  • Justia, “Justice Elena Kagan – Biographical Profile & Opinions.”
  • Elena Kagan, dissents in major voting rights and administrative law cases (e.g., Brnovich v. DNC, Rucho v. Common Cause, West Virginia v. EPA).
  • Recent speeches and commentary on the Supreme Court’s emergency or “shadow” docket and judicial independence.

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By Steve Petteway, Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States - Elena Kagan - The Oyez Project, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=24636070

A justice’s most lasting legacy – SCOTUSblog

(Fred Schilling, Collection of the Supreme Court of the United States)

Home Newsletters, EMPIRICAL SCOTUS

A justice’s most lasting legacy

By Adam Feldman, on Nov 14, 2025

Empirical SCOTUS is a recurring series by Adam Feldman that looks at Supreme Court data, primarily in the form of opinions and oral arguments, to provide insights into the justices’ decision making and what we can expect from the court in the future.

Among a president’s most enduring legacies are the federal judges they appoint – particularly Supreme Court justices. This permanence stems from life tenure, a constitutional provision that ensures judicial independence but also transforms each appointment into a generational bet on the nation’s legal future.

Yet history is littered with presidential miscalculations. President Dwight D. Eisenhower supposedly called his appointment of Earl Warren as chief justice one of his “biggest mistakes,” as Warren became a liberal stalwart for over a decade. Justices John Paul Stevens and David Souter, both nominated by Republican presidents, evolved into some of the court’s most liberal members. Had Republican presidents consistently installed reliably conservative justices since the mid-20th century, the court would have been far more conservative than it actually was (and perhaps even is today).

But presidential legacy is only part of the story. The judges themselves have developed their own succession strategies. In recent years, a striking pattern has emerged: Supreme Court justices now appear ready to retire only with tacit – or perhaps explicit – assurances that they will be replaced by someone they helped shape, typically a former clerk. This, combined with the fact that so many such clerks now serve as judges on the lower courts, has had profound effects – and will continue to do so – on the federal judiciary. 

Judicial successors 

Supreme Court clerkships represent a relatively modern phenomenon, emerging primarily as the court evolved through the 20th century. The number of clerks allocated to each justice has steadily increased, from two until 1969, to three in the 1970s, and to four in 1980. This has also expanded the pool of potential judicial heirs. Justice Byron White was the first justice to have clerked for a former justice – Chief Justice Fred Vinson in his case. Chief Justice William Rehnquist clerked for Robert Jackson, and Stevens for Wiley Rutledge. Stevens was confirmed in 1975. Of the next several justices – Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Souter, Clarence Thomas, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg – none held a Supreme Court clerkship. 

Then came Justice Stephen Breyer, confirmed in 1994, who had clerked for Justice Arthur Goldberg. The majority of justices appointed after 1994 held Supreme Court clerkships at one point in their careers – Chief Justice John Roberts for Rehnquist, Elena Kagan for Thurgood Marshall, Neil Gorsuch for Kennedy (although he was originally hired by White before his retirement), Brett Kavanaugh for Kennedy, Amy Coney Barrett for Scalia, and Ketanji Brown Jackson for Breyer. Neither Samuel Alito nor Sonia Sotomayor clerked at the Supreme Court level, leaving them a minority in this regard.

Indeed, since Kennedy retired in 2018, the phenomenon of justices being replaced by their clerks has become the norm rather than the exception. As noted, not one but two of Kennedy’s former clerks were appointed by President Donald Trump in succession: Gorsuch filled Scalia’s seat, which had remained vacant longer than any in court history, and Kennedy’s own seat went to Kavanaugh. According to Politico, Kennedy’s backroom conversations with Trump prior to his departure may have been used to facilitate a transition. For Trump, this was advantageous: he could install more consistently conservative justices than Kennedy, who had occasionally sided with liberals on consequential civil liberties cases like the same-sex marriage decision in Obergefell v. Hodges.

Panorama_of_United_States_Supreme_Court_Building_at_Dusk.jpg

This trend of former clerks joining the court continued with Barrett, a Scalia clerk, replacing Ginsburg after her death, and Jackson, a Breyer clerk, succeeding her former mentor. 

The downstream effects of Supreme Court clerkships can reshape American law across generations. Consider the lineage from Jackson to Rehnquist, who clerked for Jackson, to Roberts, who clerked for Rehnquist. And this chain of influence now spans more than half a century, with each generation of jurists passing their interpretive methods to the next.

Breaking down the numbers

But that is not the full picture. The data also reveals how widespread former Supreme Court clerks are in the federal judiciary as a whole.

Thomas leads by a substantial margin, with 12 former clerks hired as federal judges – a testament both to his long tenure and his deliberate cultivation of conservative judicial talent. Kennedy follows with 10 clerk-judges, including the two Supreme Court justices mentioned earlier. Rehnquist placed eight former clerks, continuing his influence even after his 2005 death.

Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and Ginsburg each count six former clerks in the federal judiciary, and Stevens also placed six. Alito has four clerk-judges, while Breyer and Souter each have three. (Perhaps most surprisingly, given his position as chief justice, Roberts has not yet seen a former clerk become a federal judge.)

Implications: the self-replicating judiciary

These patterns of clerk placement, both on the federal judiciary and the Supreme Court itself, point toward a fundamental transformation in how the federal judiciary perpetuates itself. What began as perhaps an informal preference for continuity has evolved into something approaching a self-replicating system, where judicial philosophies pass from one generation to the next through carefully cultivated mentor-clerk relationships. And the implications extend far beyond individual careers or even the ideological balance of particular courts.

Continue/Read Original Article Here: A justice’s most lasting legacy – SCOTUSblog

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2025-11-11

Supreme Court rejects appeal to overturn its same-sex marriage ruling

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court on Monday rejected a call to overturn its landmark decision that le…
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2025-11-07

Supreme Court ruling against Trump on IEEPA wouldn’t mean the end of all tariffs, experts say

High tariffs on America’s trading partners are likely to remain in place even if the Supreme Court rules…
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Clarence Thomas: The Court’s Longest-Serving Conservative Voice – A Special SCOTUS Series

Clarence Thomas: The Court’s Longest-Serving Conservative Voice

Early Life and Education

Clarence Thomas was born in 1948 in Pin Point, Georgia, a small Gullah community near Savannah. After his father left, he was raised by his mother and, from age seven, by his grandfather Myers Anderson, whose strict discipline fostered self-reliance. Thomas attended a segregated Catholic school, then the College of the Holy Cross, and earned his law degree from Yale Law School in 1974. He has often expressed skepticism that opportunities attributed to race rather than merit benefitted him—an idea that shaped his later critiques of affirmative action.

Career Before the Court

Thomas worked in Missouri’s attorney general’s office, private practice, and then the Reagan administration. In 1982, he became Chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), where he emphasized individual rights and a “colorblind” interpretation of civil-rights law. In 1990, President George H. W. Bush appointed him to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit.

Nomination and Confirmation

In 1991, President Bush nominated Thomas to the Supreme Court. The confirmation became one of the most contentious in modern history after law professor Anita Hill alleged sexual harassment during their time at the EEOC. Thomas was confirmed by a 52–48 Senate vote; his denunciation of the proceedings as a “high-tech lynching” cemented his combative public image.

Judicial Philosophy

Thomas is known for a robust originalism—interpreting the Constitution according to its text and historical meaning. He often questions longstanding precedents he views as inconsistent with the Constitution, writing separate concurrences or dissents even when alone. He favors bright-line rules grounded in text, structure, and history over pragmatic balancing tests.

Signature Areas and Opinions

  • Second Amendment: Advocates a strong individual right to keep and bear arms, building on District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) and subsequent cases.
  • Affirmative Action: Persistent critic of racial preferences; the Court’s ruling in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2023) aligned with his long-held views.
  • Abortion & Substantive Due Process: Called for overturning Roe v. Wade years before Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (2022); in Dobbs, he wrote separately to question other substantive due-process precedents.
  • Administrative State: Consistently argues that expansive agency power threatens the separation of powers and the nondelegation principle.

Legacy and Controversy

As the Court’s longest-serving justice, Thomas has significantly shaped conservative jurisprudence. His spare questioning at oral argument for many years contrasted with the sweep of his written opinions. Recent reporting about undisclosed travel and financial ties has intensified broader debates over Supreme Court ethics and reform.

Conclusion: Thomas and the Court’s “Right Turn”

Thomas anchors the Court’s conservative bloc, pressing for a constitutional order rooted in text and history. Whether praised as principled or criticized as radical, his influence on the Court’s rightward trajectory is undeniable and central to any discussion of the modern Supreme Court.

Works Cited

← Back to the series landing page

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Supreme Court has empowered Trump. How much further will it go? – The Washington Post

Supreme Court has expanded presidential powers under Trump. How far will it go?

The justices will hear arguments Wednesday on the legality of most of the president’s tariffs — the first in a series of tests of sweeping claims of authority.

November 2, 2025 at 8:36 a.m. EST, Today at 8:36 a.m. EST, 10 min

The Supreme Court is obscured by scaffolding on Oct. 6.
(Jabin Botsford / The Washington Post)

By Justin Jouvenal

For nine months, in a flood of emergency orders, the Supreme Court has allowed President Donald Trump to expand his power.

The justices have permitted Trump to slash the federal bureaucracy, fire the heads of nominally independent agencies and exercise powers traditionally ascribed to Congress.

How much further will the court go?

That will be the overriding question Wednesday when the court hears arguments on the legality of most of the president’s tariffs — the first case to reach the justices in a series of high-stakes tests of Trump’ssweeping claimsof authority.

His asserted tariff powers are uniquely dear to Trump, who has repeatedly warned of economic devastation if the court were to rule against one of his signature policies. But the other tests of presidential power could also have major impact.

In November, the court will considerwhether to strike down a 90-year-old precedent that insulates independent agencies from White House interference. In January, it will explore whether Trump can remake the Federal Reserve, with its vast powers over the economy.

Taken together, the cases will determine the extent to which the Supreme Court will embrace Trump’s view of a presidency constrained by few checks and wielding the type of authority typically only seen in times of war or national crisis. Decisions are expected in the cases by the summer.

“I think the court so far has been more deferential to President Trump than most Supreme Courts in modern times,” said Matthew Dallek, a political historian at George Washington University. “It’s very hard to point to a significant way in which the court has said ‘stop’ to the White House. It raises the pressure on the court, and it raises the stakes for the term ahead.”

White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson said in a statement the high court’s rulings have corrected erroneous decisions by “far-left liberal activist judges” and thatthe president is doing what he was elected to do.

“The President will continue implementing the policy agenda that the American people voted for in November and will continue to be vindicated by higher courts when liberal activist judges attempt to intervene,” Jackson said.

Trump’s claim that he can unilaterally impose massive tariffs, a cornerstone of his economic agenda, is among his most aggressive moves to date. His assertion rests on a 1977 law that grants the president emergency powers to regulate international commerce. Trump’s argument that the law can be used for tariffs is one no other president has made in the statute’s 50-year history.

The administration has asked the justices to overturn federal court rulings that found the law did not convey authority to impose tariffs. Trump said the levies, some of which he announced at an event he dubbed “Liberation Day,” will help stem the flow of fentanyl across the border and restore America’s manufacturing base.

Small businesses and states have sued to block the levies, arguing they will cause widespread economic harm.

Cargo ships in Hong Kong in October. (Tyrone Siu / Reuters)

Arguably, no institution has set the stage for Trump’s efforts to expand his poweras much as the Supreme Court and in particular its chief justice. John G. Roberts Jr. has written decisions in recent years declaring the president a uniquely powerful figure.

In a 2020 ruling, Roberts wrote the “entire ‘executive Power’ belongs to the President alone.” He has also intimated the president should have a free hand to fire low-level government employees and made it easier for the president to remove the head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

Editor’s Note: Read the rest of the story, at the below link.

Continue/Read Original Article Here: Supreme Court has empowered Trump. How much further will it go? – The Washington Post

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2025-10-18

Donald Trump Begs Supreme Court to Let Him Go to War With Chicago

President Donald Trump wants the Supreme Court to decide whether he can deploy the National Guard in Chicago…
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US Supreme Court weighs ‘earthquake’ ruling on Voting Rights Act – BBC

Image via WP There were protests outside the court on Wednesday as it heard arguments.

US Supreme Court weighs ‘earthquake’ ruling that could reshape political map

Published: October 15, 2025

By Anthony Zurcher, North America correspondent and Kayla Epstein

The Supreme Court heard oral arguments on Wednesday in a case that could dramatically reshape the electoral politics of the American south.

The court heard a challenge to a central pillar of the Voting Rights Act, which was originally designed to protect the electoral power of black Americans in the face of state-sanctioned discrimination.

Although the session was scheduled for only an hour, it stretched for more than twice as long, with the nine justices peppering lawyers in the case with questions.

Once the legal dust had settled, it appeared possible that a majority of the court was open to a substantial reinterpretation of the landmark civil rights era law.

If the challenge is successful, it could lead to the redrawing of congressional districts across the south that, by some estimates, could flip more than a dozen seats from Democratic to Republican.

Given the current narrow partisan divide in the US House of Representatives, such a ruling has the potential to give President Donald Trump’s party a decisive advantage in retaining their majority in next year’s midterm congressional elections.

According to UCLA law Professor Rick Hansen, it would reverse decades of court precedent and amount to an “earthquake in the American political system”.

Continue/Read Original Article Here: US Supreme Court weighs ‘earthquake’ ruling on Voting Rights Act

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Opinion – Amy Coney Barrett Is Looking Beyond the Trump Era – The New York Times

The Supreme Court justice isn’t making decisions based on public opinion. Credit…The New York Times.

Opinion Interesting Times

Amy Coney Barrett Is Looking Beyond the Trump Era

The Supreme Court justice isn’t making decisions based on public opinion.

 There’s a roster of cases before the Supreme Court that could reshape the entire Trump presidency and redefine executive power. And my guest this week, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, is likely to be the decisive vote in some of these cases.

Unfortunately but predictably, that means that she couldn’t or wouldn’t respond to my most direct questions about the Trump administration.

But my goal was to push the justice on a question that she can answer, and one that she addresses at length in her new book, “Listening to the Law.” I wanted to know whether her preferred legal theory, originalism, can bend and flex in response to prudential and political concerns.

Barrett believes strongly that it shouldn’t, that justices should rule without worrying about public opinion or who happens to be in the White House. But I tend to think real-world politics constantly tests and limits that ideal. So in our conversation, I’m trying to find those limits and the ways in which even justices devoted to the original meaning of the Constitution have to deal with the highly unusual pressures of right now.

Amy Coney Barrett Doesn’t Need You to Like Her

The Supreme Court justice isn’t making decisions based on public opinion.

Below is an edited transcript of an episode of “Interesting Times.” We recommend listening to it in its original form for the full effect. You can do so using the player above or on Apple, Spotify, Amazon Music, YouTube, iHeartRadio or wherever you get your podcasts. Editor’s Note: Embedded from Spotify below.

Ross Douthat: Justice Barrett, welcome to “Interesting Times.”

Amy Coney Barrett: Thank you for having me, Ross.

Douthat: I honestly would never have said no. [Barrett chuckles.]

Your book is mostly about — and we’re mostly going to talk about theories of jurisprudence, the place of the Supreme Court in American life, possibly some issues related to the Trump presidency and executive power — but it does start with a little window into the personal world of Amy Coney Barrett, so I’m going to start with a couple of questions about that terrain.

We looked it up, and you are the first guest we’ve had on the show who has more children than I do — which is only because we haven’t yet succeeded in booking Elon Musk, I should say.

Barrett: [Laughs.] There’s still time for you to catch up with me.

Douthat: That’s a bold statement. I appreciate your confidence in my youthful energy and vigor.

When you were being nominated, this newspaper, The New York Times, ran a story that talked about your mix of personal and professional obligations and how it made you a certain kind of trailblazer. And the story described you — and you can accept this description or not — as “a woman who is both unabashedly ambitious and deeply religious, who has excelled at the heights of a demanding profession,” even as she speaks openly about prioritizing her faith and family.

I’m curious if you actually see yourself this way at all? Do you see yourself as a particular kind of trailblazer or role model in that kind of balancing act?

Barrett: I don’t see myself as a trailblazer, nor do I love the word “ambitious,” because I feel like the word “ambition” puts a focus on success or ambition for its own sake, which isn’t how I’ve ever conceived of my career.

When I was growing up — I was born in 1972 — my mom stayed home, and the parents of most of my friends had a working dad and a stay-at-home mom. My kids have had a mix, and for them, it’s become unexceptional to have a mom that worked, whereas it felt like a big thing for me to make the choice because my own mother had a large family — I’m one of seven — which is, I say in the book, that’s what I always wanted. That was my No. 1 priority. And I wasn’t sure that I could do that and work at the same time, but I always have, since I had our first child.

So I think my life looks different than the life of my mom and my aunts and my friends’ parents at the time, but it’s one that my own daughters and sons and their friends, I hope, can just treat as unexceptional. Like, you can stay home if you want. You can work if you want. You can do both.

Douthat: Do you think of yourself as a feminist — a conservative feminist, if that is a category that you would accept?

Barrett: I don’t know, labels are so dangerous because they mean different things to different people. I mean, if being a feminist simply means having the view that women can do whatever it is they put their minds to and have opportunities open to them, then yes, I am.

But I think any stripe of feminism that you describe is going to have — labels are risky. So I’ll just say: Yes, yes, labels are risky.

Douthat: Labels are risky, especially when you are charged with the interpretation of the entire U.S. Constitution.

Barrett: [Laughs.] It’s so true.

Douthat: How do you actually do it? And I say this as someone who, obviously, works. Here I am working. My wife is a journalist and writer, and we do a lot of the same kind of balancing that you and your husband have done, and it takes some strange forms. But it’s very challenging. Any number of kids is challenging, but to have a large family and have a busy professional life — I’m just curious: As a Supreme Court justice, how do you feel like you guys make it work?

Barrett: A lot of people ask. That’s probably the question that I get asked most often.

Continue/Read Original Article Here: Opinion | Amy Coney Barrett Is Looking Beyond the Trump Era – The New York Times

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Federal judges call SCOTUS’s shadow docket “inappropriate,” “opaque,” and a “judicial crisis” – Daily Kos

by TheCriticalMind

Community (This content is not subject to review by Daily Kos staff prior to publication.)

Saturday, October 11, 2025 at 4:45:27p PDT

The current Supreme Court is making unprecedented use of the ‘shadow docket’. Reaction has been mixed. Liberals say the Court is a rubber stamp enabling Trump’s imperial presidency. MAGAs argue that SCOTUS’s conservative bloc is doing God’s work by thwarting anti-democratic rulings by unelected, activist, lower court judges.

However, politics aside, Supreme Court rulings impact how the Judiciary does business. To understand the practical effect of the Court’s use of the shadow docket, the New York Times polled US District and Appeals Court judges.

It reported its findings in an article titled: Federal Judges, Warning of ‘Judicial Crisis,’ Fault Supreme Court’s Emergency Orders.”

The subhead summarized the substance of the piece. To wit:

Dozens of sitting judges shared with The Times their concerns about risks to the courts’ legitimacy as the Supreme Court releases opaque orders about Trump administration policies.

The Times wrote to “hundreds of federal judges across the country” — and 65 replied. The respondents are not named. But the paper said presidents of both parties had appointed them. And that, while there was a difference in degree, Judges across the political spectrum worried about SCOTUS’s high-handedness. In the NYT’s words:  

Of the judges who responded, 28 were nominated by Republican presidents, including 10 by Mr. Trump; 37 were nominated by Democrats.

Adding: While those nominated by Democrats were more critical of the Supreme Court, judges nominated by presidents of both parties expressed concerns.

The paper asked the judges if they agreed or disagreed with the following statement: The Supreme Court has made appropriate use of the emergency docket since President Trump returned to office. Overall 72% said SCOTUS’s use was inappropriate, 9% hedged, and 18% (all Republican) said it was appropriate.

Tellingly, while almost all Democrats said SCOTUS was on the wrong side of the line, nearly half the Republicans concurred. The conclusion is inescapable. When half your team thinks your side stinks, it stinks.  

 Federal judges call SCOTUS’s shadow docket “inappropriate,” “opaque,” and a “judicial crisis”

Continue/Read Original Article Here: Federal judges call SCOTUS’s shadow docket “inappropriate,” “opaque,” and a “judicial crisis”

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Federal Judges, Warning of ‘Judicial Crisis,’ Fault Supreme Court’s Emergency Orders – The New York Times

Federal Judges, Warning of ‘Judicial Crisis,’ Fault Supreme Court’s Emergency Orders

Dozens of sitting judges shared with The Times their concerns about risks to the courts’ legitimacy as the Supreme Court releases opaque orders about Trump administration policies.

Listen to this article · 11:18 min Learn more

Federal Judges, Warning of ‘Judicial Crisis,’ Fault Supreme Court’s Emergency Orders – The New York Times

By Mattathias Schwartz and Zach Montague

Mattathias Schwartz and Zach Montague cover the federal courts.

Oct. 11, 2025

Sign up for the Tilt newsletter, for Times subscribers only.  Nate Cohn, The Times’s chief political analyst, makes sense of the latest political data. Try it for 4 weeks.

More than three dozen federal judges have told The New York Times that the Supreme Court’s flurry of brief, opaque emergency orders in cases related to the Trump administration have left them confused about how to proceed in those matters and are hurting the judiciary’s image with the public.

At issue are the quick-turn orders the Supreme Court has issued dictating whether Trump administration policies should be left in place while they are litigated through the lower courts. That emergency docket, a growing part of the Supreme Court’s work in recent years, has taken on greater importance amid the flood of litigation challenging President Trump’s efforts to expand executive power.

While the orders are technically temporary, they have had broad practical effects, allowing the administration to deport tens of thousands of people, discharge transgender military service members, fire thousands of government workers and slash federal spending.

The striking and highly unusual critique of the nation’s highest court from lower court judges reveals the degree to which litigation over Mr. Trump’s agenda has created strains in the federal judicial system.

Sixty-five judges responded to a Times questionnaire sent to hundreds of federal judges across the country. Of those, 47 said the Supreme Court had been mishandling its emergency docket since Mr. Trump returned to office.

The judges responded to the questionnaire and spoke in interviews on the condition of anonymity so they could share their views candidly, as lower court judges are governed by a complex set of rules that include limitations on their public statements.

Of the judges who responded, 28 were nominated by Republican presidents, including 10 by Mr. Trump; 37 were nominated by Democrats. While those nominated by Democrats were more critical of the Supreme Court, judges nominated by presidents of both parties expressed concerns.

Continue/Read Original Article Here: Federal Judges, Warning of ‘Judicial Crisis,’ Fault Supreme Court’s Emergency Orders – The New York Times

#Democrats #EmergencyOrders #FederalJudges #FederalJudicialSystem #Judges #JudicialCrisis #Republicans #SCOTUS #SupremeCourt #SupremeCourtOfTheUnitedStates #TheNewYorkTimes

David GraylessDavidGrayless
2025-10-09

The handed down eleven opinions during its 1999 term, which began October 4, 1999 and concluded October 1, 2000. Because per curiam decisions are issued from the Court as an institution, these opinions all lack the attribution of authorship or joining votes to specific justices. All justices on the Court at the time the decision was handed down are assumed to have participated and concurred unless otherwise noted.

2025-10-07

Supreme Court hears arguments involving Colorado “conversion therapy” ban

Washington — The Supreme Court heard arguments Tuesday in a Colorado counselor’s challenge to the state’s ban on…
#NewsBeep #News #Topstories #Headlines #LGBTQ #SupremeCourtoftheUnitedStates #TopStories
newsbeep.com/170197/

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson Describes Her Fight Against Injustice | Princeton Alumni Weekly

Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, left, discussed her memoir with Professor Deborah Pearlstein at Richardson Auditorium.

On the Campus

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson Describes Her Fight Against Injustice

In a talk on campus, Jackson discussed her new memoir and highlighted lessons from her mother.

Sameer A. Khan h’21 / SPIA / Princeton University

By Lia Opperman ’25, Published Sept. 29, 2025, 3 min read

Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, speaking on campus Sept. 10, said that her parents — who grew up in the segregated South — gave her the confidence to fight injustice and navigate the challenges she has faced in her career.

“Part of my mother’s lesson was, you’re going to see the injustices, you may even face them, but you have to understand that focusing on them will end up, at times, taking you away from the work, which is really the most important thing,” she told Deborah Pearlstein, director of the Princeton Program in Law and Public Policy. She explained how her mother helped her learn to choose her battles.

Jackson spoke about her new memoir Lovely One, which describes her path to becoming the first Black woman to serve on the nation’s highest court.

One injustice she discussed in her talk happened during her sophomore year at Harvard, when someone in the main area of the quad where she lived put up a Confederate flag. “You have to remember that the very serious function of racism is distraction, that it keeps you from doing your work,” Jackson recalled her mother saying. She remembered repeating this at a Black Students Association meeting, which she said was helpful for the group to continue its advocacy despite the circumstances.

Later, as an assistant special counsel to the United States Sentencing Commission, she fought to bridge disparities between sentences for drug offenses related to crack and powder cocaine, despite knowing it could jeopardize her chances of becoming appointed as a judge. After Congress changed the mandatory minimum, she worked to have sentences revised for people who had been convicted under the previous guidelines, who were predominately Black. While the commission was bipartisan, she worried about being too forceful with her approach. She delivered a passionate speech on the topic, which she said may have contributed to her appointment as a U.S. district judge in 2012.

Jackson said among her most prized possessions is a copy of a petition filed to the Supreme Court by Clarence Gideon, a poor man who was charged with breaking and entering but was denied court-appointed counsel. He was convicted, but on appeal in 1963, the Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling that any criminal defendant who can’t afford a lawyer be provided one. Jackson said as a former public defender, she understood the significance of his case.

When asked about the Supreme Court’s emergency docket, used to address applications that seek immediate action, and the Trump administration’s frequent use of that process, Jackson said, “I think it’s hard to look at the emergency docket and glean anything right now … about the nature of the court.”

Continue/Read Original Article Here: Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson Describes Her Fight Against Injustice | Princeton Alumni Weekly

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