Emotional Maturity, Moral Development, and Academic Success
Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen
Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project
Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/06/09
Leena Weaver and Traci Glover are co-founders of Healing Children, LLC, an organization dedicated to supporting children’s emotional and behavioural development. Weaver, a Nationally Certified School Psychologist since 2009, and Glover, a Licensed Professional Counselor since 2009, combine their expertise to address trauma, attachment issues, and moral development in children. They emphasize the importance of emotional maturity in academic success and advocate for consistent boundaries and consequences over reward-based systems. Their books, such as “Raising Babies,” and their podcast, “The Bumpy Road to Healing,” provide resources for educators and parents to foster resilience and growth in children.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Can you explain this: does emotional maturity impact educational achievement? That’s a general overview question for this session. I assume yes because effective studying requires at least some emotional self-regulation.
Leena Weaver: Yes, and the simplified answer is indeed yes. Emotional maturity plays a significant role in academic success. Children who struggle with emotional self-regulation—such as managing frustration or delaying gratification—are less likely to persist through challenging academic tasks. For example, they may give up more easily when encountering difficult material. Some children may act out by throwing materials or leaving the classroom when overwhelmed or discouraged.
Additionally, emotional dysregulation can stem from early trauma. Tracy, feel free to jump in here—but when children have experienced trauma, their brains may operate in a state of hypervigilance or survival mode. This preoccupation with safety can interfere with cognitive processes such as attention, memory, and problem-solving, all of which are necessary for learning.
Traci Glover: Another critical factor is attachment. For instance, children with reactive attachment disorder (RAD)—a rare condition resulting from severe early neglect, inconsistent caregiving, or frequent changes in caregivers—may exhibit behavioural problems, including dishonesty, defiance, or social withdrawal. These behaviours are rooted in early emotional and relational development disruptions.
Insecure or disorganized attachments can cause children to struggle with trust, impulse control, and emotional regulation, negatively affecting their functioning in structured school settings. This can manifest in academic dishonesty, such as cheating or lying about completed work.
Jacobsen: These issues can have long-term consequences. If a child consistently misrepresents their academic effort or avoids challenging work, it undermines learning. Over time, gaps accumulate, leading to what educators sometimes call “Swiss cheese knowledge”—uneven understanding across subjects, filled with missing concepts and weak foundational skills.
Glover: Developmentally, what students learn in elementary school is closely related to Erik Erikson’s stage of Industry vs. Inferiority, which typically spans ages 6 to 12. In this stage, children develop a sense of competence by learning to initiate and complete tasks successfully. If they are not supported to do this—for example, they avoid schoolwork or are not given proper guidance—they may develop feelings of inferiority and apathy toward achievement.
In the classroom, we sometimes see students in upper elementary grades who appear disengaged, refusing to complete work or participate. This affects their short-term academic performance and can shape their long-term relationship with learning, work ethic, and perseverance.
Students must develop cognitive and emotional skills to succeed in high school, obtain employment, or pursue postsecondary education. Emotional maturity influences perseverance, frustration tolerance, honesty, and task completion. Some students may already show strengths in these areas, while others require targeted support to build them.
This can happen even with kids who are in gifted and talented programs. They may have a high IQ and be very bright. When tasks come easily, they have no problem getting things done. But as soon as school becomes difficult—which it will at some point, even if not until college—they may not have the emotional tools to work through the challenge. They might think that struggle is abnormal rather than realizing that this is how many others have felt.
The reality is that the struggle is every day. It is a fundamental part of learning. Learning is not meant to be easy—it is intended to challenge you. The key is being able to recognize that and push through it. Some kids who struggle early in school do quite well later because they’re familiar with adversity. They’ve had to work through challenges and aren’t afraid of the process.
All of this ties into developmental growth. It can become a developmental issue if the child is never guided through complex tasks. However, if the child is bright and the parents and teachers reinforce the message—”You’ve got to work through hard things. Learning how to do hard things will make you stronger. This will make you a better student and a better person,” that child is more likely to persevere. They begin to develop the skills to face adversity.
That perseverance is a sign of maturity.
Weaver: So yes, you can have students in special education who struggle academically due to learning disabilities, but because they learned how to work hard early in life, they often do better over time. Their maturity tends to develop more steadily, and in the long term, their educational outcomes are more favourable than those of students who never had to struggle until later. I don’t know if that makes sense.
Jacobsen: It does. I have two questions. One seems more evident to me, and the second feels more ambiguous. The first is academic achievement and emotional maturity decoupled. And the second: are moral development and emotional development coupled?
Weaver: So moral development—Tracy, you would be looking at Foster Cline’s stages of conscience development, right?
Glover: Yes, although if you’re referring to Kohlberg’s theory of moral development, that goes even further than Cline’s model.
Weaver: They’re similar overall.
Weaver: I can show you on a screen share—they’re quite similar, just worded differently. But yes, in my observation, conscience and emotional development are often tied together in children for several reasons.
Glover: So Foster Cline—he’s a child psychiatrist and one of the co-founders of the Love and Logic parenting program. I don’t know if you’ve heard of them, but Love and Logic focuses on teaching responsibility and problem-solving in children through empathy and natural consequences. This is his framework for understanding the stages of conscience development. I was comparing it to Kohlberg’s stages of moral development, and they’re pretty aligned. Kohlberg uses more academic or technical language.
So what Foster Cline did—he worked with many children who had severe behavioural and emotional issues, including kids with attachment disorders. He also had biological children and, along with his wife, adopted foster children. So, he had much hands-on experience with kids facing behavioural challenges.
During his residency in psychiatry, he noticed that traditional approaches—including person-centred therapy—were not working with specific clients. While person-centred therapy can be helpful in some situations, it wasn’t effective for the complex behavioural issues he was encountering. So, he turned to studying Freud.
Freud’s model divides the personality into three parts: the id, which represents instinctual needs and wants; the superego, which represents morals, values, and principles; and the ego, which mediates between the two. The ego helps us meet our needs in socially acceptable ways, guided by the superego. Importantly, we are not born with a developed ego or superego—these must be nurtured and developed over time.
So, in Stage 1, from birth to around two years old, the child operates entirely from the id. If they see a piece of candy, they think, “I’ll take it.” They do not consider whether it belongs to someone else or is appropriate to take. If they cry in the middle of the night, they do not think about waking others—they are focused only on getting their needs met. This is developmentally appropriate because infants are entirely dependent on caregivers for survival.
Then, if development proceeds well and secure attachment is established, the child moves into Stage 2, which typically covers ages two to five. At this stage, if the child sees a piece of candy, they might think, “I would take it, but I’d get in trouble.” Cline calls this having an “outside lid on the id.” In other words, their behaviour is still driven by impulse, but the desire to avoid punishment is now influencing their actions. They are not regulating themselves from an internal sense of right and wrong—it’s more about avoiding consequences.
In Stage 3, which usually occurs between ages five and seven, the child sees a piece of candy and thinks, “I would take it, but my parents might find out.” Now, the child is starting to internalize rules and anticipate delayed consequences. There’s a “partial lid on the id.” Even if a parent is not present, the child begins to regulate their behaviour because of imagined oversight or future repercussions. So, they are starting to self-monitor, but it is still externally influenced.
Weaver: A good real-life indicator of Stage 2 is if you’ve ever watched a toddler crawling toward something they shouldn’t touch, and before grabbing it, they turn to check if an adult is watching. That’s classic Stage 2 behaviour—they want the object but are scanning for external oversight.
By Stage 3, we hope children—particularly those in kindergarten—can begin to self-regulate even when an authority figure isn’t right there. For instance, if a teacher briefly steps out of the classroom, a Stage 3 child is more likely to manage their behaviour appropriately, even without direct supervision. If a child is still in Stage 2 while in kindergarten, they are likely to misbehave as soon as the teacher turns their back.
Glover: Moving into Stage 4, typically between 6 and 9, the child sees something they want and thinks, “I would take it, but if my mom found out, she would be upset or disappointed.” At this point, it is no longer just about avoiding punishment. The child starts to care about how their actions emotionally affect their caregiver.
In Cline’s framework, this is called having a “lid on the id.” In other words, the child begins internally regulating their wants and impulses. This is the stage when children typically first experience guilt. I can remember starting to feel that sense of guilt around age seven. That is a sign that internal conscience development is underway.
Stage 4 is a positive developmental milestone, but ideally, we want children—and society more broadly—to reach Stage 5. Why? Once children enter adolescence, the people they care most about disappointing are no longer their caregivers; they become their peers. If their peer group engages in risky or unhealthy behaviour, that desire to maintain peer approval can lead them into trouble.
Stage 5 typically emerges between ages 7 and 11. At this point, the child sees a piece of candy and thinks, “I could take it, but I wouldn’t feel good about doing that.” Now, we know the superego is fully developed—morality has become internalized. The child makes decisions based on internal values rather than external consequences or approval.
Of course, some of this is tested during adolescence. Teenagers experiment with moral reasoning, test limits, and question their beliefs. But ideally, the core conscience is already formed by this point.
Weaver: This aligns with broader developmental frameworks—like Erik Erikson’s psychosocial stages and Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. For instance, in Erikson’s Trust vs. Mistrust stage, if a child develops a basic sense of trust in their environment, they’re more prepared to move into Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt. The stages build upon each other. Similarly, emotional and moral development go hand in hand. The more emotionally mature a child is, the more likely they are to develop a strong conscience.
However, if that conscience is not developing, it often means the child is stuck in an earlier stage of emotional development.
As a society, we are regressing in moral development.
Jacobsen: I think it’s probably multifactorial. There are structural changes in wealthy North American societies—like higher divorce rates. Researchers like Jean Twenge have pointed out rising narcissistic tendencies—not necessarily clinical narcissistic personality disorder, but traits like entitlement and self-centeredness. So, are those narcissistic traits interfering with emotional and moral development in the ways we’re discussing?
Glover: I think yes. Maturity requires boundaries, and healthy development depends on support and consequences. If narcissism and selfishness are on the rise, that suggests a breakdown in emotional maturity. But society moves in cycles. Sometimes, we make real progress in one area and backslide in another. We figure out some things and fall behind in others. It is rarely linear.
Weaver: There has been a shift in how we approach school discipline and behaviour. That’s another critical factor. In recent years, there has been confusion between the concepts of consequences and punishment and between rewards and accountability. We’ve seen a move away from consistent boundaries and consequences toward an over-reliance on rewards to shape behaviour.
But looking back at Cline’s early stages, they are not about rewards. They are about developing internal controls over behaviour. If we only rely on external rewards, we risk stalling that development entirely.
Those early stages are about trying to stay out of trouble. And it is not about being punitive or shameful but about giving kids consistent accountability. For example, I have a two-year-old granddaughter. If she goes to do something she is not supposed to, simply giving her rewards for doing the right thing does not teach her what not to do.
Let’s say she tries to run into the street. I do not just yell, “Don’t go into the street!” and reward her if she does not. Instead, I say, “Don’t go in the street,” and physically pull her back. Then we practiced repeatedly: we held hands and looked both ways. Her parents are also consistent in this. Now, at two and a half, she stops, and when she gets to the end of the sidewalk, she stops. She does not step into the street. That did not happen because of punishment or rewards but because of consistent teaching, boundaries and consequences.
What I’ve seen in many schools, though, is this rise in reward-based systems: “You’ve got to give them a reward.” And what ends up happening is that the misbehaving students get placed on reward programs. So now, if you act out, you get prizes for not acting out. Instead of receiving consistent consequences, students are essentially bribed into compliance.
That kind of system impacts emotional and moral maturity. I’ve gone into schools that heavily rely on rewards with very minimal consequences, and the maturity level of the students is noticeably lower. There’s more selfishness and disrespect, and students expect things to do the bare minimum.
In contrast, in schools where teachers build relationships, show they care about the students, and maintain consistent accountability without over-relying on rewards—you see a real difference. Those kids are happier. They are more focused on their work. You see mutual respect—both between students and between students and adults.
Jacobsen: So we’ve inverted the system. We’re encouraging what you might call moral gluttony—we’re giving cookies to those who’ve behaved poorly.
Glover: Yes. That is precisely what we’ve done. I love that term—”moral gluttony.” That perfectly captures it. And the problem is, when we do that, children do not mature. And that could be contributing to the rise in narcissistic traits.
How does that play out in adulthood? They may enter the world expecting constant rewards for minimal effort. But those rewards will no longer be there. And their peers will notice. If you’re in a classroom and see that someone has been mean to you, other students, or the teacher—and then that same person is getting a reward—it undermines social dynamics. Meanwhile, students who’ve been doing everything right get no recognition. That creates resentment and damages peer relationships.
That is one of the reasons Leena and I started Healing Children. We were watching this trend in schools, and we knew it would not benefit students emotionally, socially, or academically.
Jacobsen: So, going back to something you said earlier, in an ideal scenario, we want children to progress through all five stages of conscience development. But realistically, what percentage of individuals do you think never even reach Stage 5—typically by age seven—and instead become adults emotionally or morally stuck in earlier stages?
Weaver: That’s a tough one. I do not know if I could give you a specific number. I have not seen complex data on that.
Glover: That’s a great question. To answer it correctly, someone would need to research broader societal patterns, such as how many people are being charged with criminal behaviour now compared to previous decades. However, even that would be difficult to analyze comprehensively because many individuals in leadership roles may never be accused of anything, even though they may be emotionally or morally stuck in Stage One or Stage Two.
Weaver: People stuck in Stage One are more likely to get caught because they engage in behaviours regardless of whether someone is watching. In contrast, people in Stage Two tend to wait until no one is watching—they are more calculated and are, therefore, more likely to “get away with it.” Those individuals may rise into leadership roles simply because they know how to avoid consequences. I do not know the precise answer to your question, but I agree that it is very important and deserves research.
Jacobsen: That makes sense. Scott Barry Kaufman came out with a new book. In an interview to promote it, he pointed out something that ties into this. He discussed the rise in what he called victimhood psychology. This is separate from cancel culture, but both use similar tactics. You see this thinking across the political spectrum.
With victimhood psychology, people take on a victim identity—even if they have been victimized—and use it to excuse poor behaviour. It becomes a protective mechanism but also a justification. As you said in our earlier interview, someone may have experienced a bad or traumatic event. However, that does not justify harming others or making morally poor decisions afterward.
Glover: Yes, exactly. That aligns with what we have seen—especially as we moved away from educational consequences. Not completely, but by the time I started working in schools in 1999, I was already seeing kids with significant behavioural issues who faced very few meaningful consequences. I remember thinking, “How will they ever learn the difference between right and wrong?”
One of those students ended up in the prison system. That outcome did not surprise me, unfortunately—it validated that concern. When children never experience consistent boundaries or consequences, it does not lead anywhere healthy.
Using a diagnosis or victim identity as a permanent label or excuse for behaviour is not Stage Five development. Stage Five is not about finding ways to avoid responsibility but about being mindful of how our actions affect others.
A simple way to think about maturity is this: We all start self-centred—infants must be to survive. But as we grow, gain independence, and develop cognitively and emotionally, we are expected to become more considerate of others. Maturity is the process of becoming less selfish and more thoughtful.
It is a gradual process, not something that happens overnight. But in some cases, when someone remains emotionally stuck at Stage One—especially if it is a personality-level issue—it may reflect a personality disorder. And unfortunately, current research does not suggest that personality disorders can be “cured.” They can often be managed but not reversed.
Jacobsen: I also noticed something: the last stage presented—Stage Five—is typically complete by around age 11. So we are talking about middle school and, from there, high school and beyond. But here in North America, especially during adolescence, we also see high levels of substance misuse and risky experimentation among youth. Those behaviours can certainly interfere with continued emotional and moral development.
If those behaviours—especially substance use—become habit-forming, which many substances can be, or if the surrounding environment reinforces them, can that cause youth to regress developmentally? And if those patterns persist into young adulthood, could that lead to an emotional or developmental “freeze”?
Glover: Yes. What most experts in addiction will tell you is that whatever age you begin using a substance regularly, you tend to stay emotionally stuck at that age until you quit. That is because life experiences—tough ones—mature us.
So, for example, say you’re a high school student struggling to make friends. You find a peer group, but that group drinks or uses drugs frequently. You start joining them as a coping mechanism, using the substance to deal with life instead of learning how to manage emotions or social challenges. That robs you of the opportunity to develop the emotional skills necessary to move into the next stage of maturity.
And that is part of why quitting a substance is so tricky—not only is the brain wired for it, but once someone tries to stop, they have to catch up emotionally. They are often behind their peers in emotional and social development, which makes reintegration into “normal life” harder.
But it is possible to mature after quitting. Leena and I often use celebrity examples when talking with students—people who went through addiction, came out of it, and now present very differently in terms of how they treat others and how they conduct themselves in interviews. You can see the emotional growth.
High school is also a key time of identity formation. Adolescents test boundaries, explore their values, and figure out where they fit socially. That stage involves some moral and emotional experimentation once they settle on an identity that becomes the foundation for moving through later developmental stages.
Weaver: So yes, if a student is entering high school still in Stage Four and is exposed to drugs or alcohol through peer pressure, they are more likely to start using—and that can stunt or regress their development further.
Jacobsen: Another question, then: Regarding the Orlans-Levy adaptation of Foster Cline’s model, are there later stages of development beyond Stage Five that are not presented here?
Glover: As far as I know, no. Michael Orlans and Terry Levy (Healing Parents), attachment therapists based in Colorado, did not extend the model beyond Stage Five. They use this framework, along with Erik Erikson’s psychosocial stages, to help parents understand and support children with attachment disorders.
Kids with attachment disorders are often functioning at Stage One or Two emotionally, even though they may be much older. That’s usually due to early trauma—abuse, neglect, or inconsistent caregiving—that prevented secure attachment from forming. In these cases, you often see personality difficulties and behavioural problems.
Their model focuses on rebuilding attachment through counselling and teaching parents to set consistent boundaries. By the time families are referred to therapists like Levy and Orlins, the behaviours are usually severe—aggression, manipulation, dishonesty—so the interventions must be very structured.
Jacobsen: You mentioned a student who ended up in prison. Does the surrounding legal culture play a role here, too? For instance, Canada tends to have a more lenient approach to youth justice than the U.S., which tends to lean more punitive. Does that difference show up in how maturity develops in youth?
Glover: Yes, it depends on how local systems operate. If a student engages in illegal behaviour and there are no legal or educational consequences that can stunt their development, some kids need legal consequences to mature. Ideally, we want other systems to help support that development, but sometimes, the justice system is the only one with enough weight to create real change.
Weaver: I have worked in school districts where we pulled in every boundary and support we could. In one case, a student was eventually placed on probation, and his behaviour in school improved significantly. I have also worked in districts where local judges and prosecutors do not believe in giving any consequences to youth. In those cases, students know that the probation officer or the court will not follow through, which makes a huge difference in behaviour.
So, growth is not seen in school districts where legal or structural accountability is inconsistent. However, in districts where lawyers and judges follow through, developmental progress is more likely. Of course, there is no guarantee—kids have free will—but when accountability is consistent, I was far more likely to see meaningful change in students.
And that is just the reality. If a student’s behaviour crosses into criminal activity, there must be boundaries and consequences. That might involve juvenile detention, probation, or diversion programs. The earlier the intervention, the better. The earlier we intervene, the more likely we are to help them rewire their thinking, develop healthier habits, and avoid long-term consequences.
But if you keep metaphorically “slapping them on the wrist,” the message they internalize is that what they are doing is not that bad. Over time, this can lead to the development of anti-social morals and values. And when that happens, the consequences only get more severe as they age.
Jacobsen: So if we were to look at the justice system, would it be reasonable to assume that a significant portion of people who are incarcerated—especially repeat offenders—are individuals who are stuck in these early stages of development? Unfortunately, they are making decisions with a limited emotional and moral toolkit.
Glover: Yes.
Weaver: Though it is very complex, as you mentioned, some people come from challenging and traumatic circumstances. They may not have developed the skills to know better or lack the resources to do better. That said, I work in schools—not the justice system—so I cannot speak with authority on that side.
Glover: However, I would imagine that many individuals in prison are dealing with profound attachment and maturity deficits. And I do not know how much growth or emotional development is likely to happen in a prison environment.
If people are still being traumatized in prison—still operating in survival mode—I doubt you will see significant maturity. Trauma inhibits emotional growth. That said, I do believe maturity is still possible in adulthood. People can be emotionally “stuck” and later move forward if willing to do the work.
Some individuals go to prison and use that time for personal growth. Others do not. It depends heavily on the person and the environment. However, any rehabilitation that is possible should be encouraged. I do not know precisely what that looks like at a systems level.
Jacobsen: For those who care about the moral development of society, what can help nudge children and youth toward Stage Five? And second, for those who care primarily about the economic impact—or perhaps both—how can we make the case that promoting moral maturity is worth the investment? In other words, why should we care?
Glover: We should care a lot. If more people reach Stage Five, there will likely be fewer people in prison, more people in the workforce, and more individuals who can form and maintain healthy relationships.
Society as a whole becomes more stable and safer. People treat each other with kindness and respect. The benefits are both moral and practical. For me, it starts with parent education. Helping parents understand what children need at each developmental stage is critical. For example, infants need incredible love and responsive caregiving during that first year of life.
Weaver: I remember when I was a young parent, we were told not to hold our babies too much—that we would “spoil” them. But now, we know from developmental psychology that the opposite is true. As Erikson’s Trust vs. Mistrust stage suggests, trust is developed during the first year of life. Holding them, responding to their cries, and building that secure attachment lays the foundation for every following stage.
Being responsive to a child’s needs is essential. That includes training parents to provide consistent guidance during the toddler years, especially around temper tantrums and emotional dysregulation. How can I regulate myself so I can help my child learn to regulate themselves?
For me, a lot of this comes down to parent and teacher education—understanding what children need in the first few years of life, how to be consistent during the elementary years, how to build strong relationships, and how to maintain consistent accountability for kids.
Glover: A big part of it is also doing our work as adults—recognizing that we, too, are still maturing. We’re all trying to improve ourselves to be better for the kids we serve. I agree, Leena, that education is critical at every level.
Jacobsen: What should people realistically expect schools can and cannot do?
Glover: That’s a fair and essential question. It is reasonable to expect schools to follow through with appropriate discipline when needed. It is also reasonable to expect that schools work to connect with each child in a healthy, appropriate teacher-student relationship. Schools should make the effort to build those connections and to teach—not just academically, but socially and emotionally too.
Glover: What do you think, Leena?
Weaver: This is also a bigger question because schools today have become more than educational institutions. Teachers are overwhelmed. We are taking on more and more of the parenting role—feeding kids, coordinating medical care, managing mental health needs.
Let me backtrack a little. Kids are entering school not ready to learn? Of course, many are ready, but we’re seeing more kids who are not emotionally, physically, or medically ready to learn. So schools are stepping in to make sure they receive mental health services, clothing, food, and even basic healthcare at times.
That creates much pressure on teachers and distracts them from what we’re trained to do: teach. If we could better support parents in preparing their children for school—ideally, arriving to school at Stage Three developmentally—educators could focus more on instruction while maintaining boundaries, structure, and relationships with students.
Ultimately, it comes down to balance. Teachers and parents need to share responsibility. But lately, it sometimes feels like we are being pushed into opposing corners—anti-teacher or anti-parent—when, in fact, we need to be partners.
Jacobsen: To reframe it, how do parents and teachers work together to turn “heathens into angels”?
Weaver: A lot of that comes down to good communication. It means educators let parents know when they see a concern. It means parents are willing to hear that—even when it is hard. Sometimes, teachers notice things that parents might not see, and their reaction can be to dismiss them.
Most parents listen, but occasionally, it gets tough because the information is difficult to process; they may disagree or feel helpless. On the other hand, some parents may know the issue is real but still disregard what the teacher says, which does not solve anything.
So, communication between parents and teachers is huge. It makes partnerships possible and helps kids grow.
Traci and I also like to educate teachers and parents on child behaviour and developmental progress. When everyone understands the stages of growth, it brings the team together. When teachers and parents collaborate with that shared understanding, we can create plans to help kids mature and grow.
I’ve seen significant progress with my students when parents and teachers are on the same page. It comes down to understanding development—emotional, conscience, and what children need. You see real results when adults approach children with consistency, compassion, and connection—not shame, anger, manipulation, or overreliance on rewards.
Jacobsen: Shifting to a different but related topic—AI in education. Promising? Modest? Assistant-level?
Glover: It is still so new. It is a promising, modest assistant. However, I am not a classroom teacher so that others might have different views.
Weaver: It depends. Are students using AI to avoid doing the work? Or are educators using it to enhance instruction and save time? Probably both.
I work with both traditional public schools and public charter schools. In one charter school, because of concerns about AI misuse, students now write all their reports in class to ensure they are learning how to write themselves. I don’t know whether traditional public schools are doing that yet. In the long term, it will raise questions about how well high school students develop writing skills if they rely too much on AI.
For educators, though, AI can be beneficial. I use it to write, create lesson plans, and brainstorm. It is like having a built-in proofreader or thought partner. So yes, it is useful—for the teacher.
Jacobsen: But it does not address the deeper pillars we have discussed today: emotional development, maturity, and moral reasoning. AI handles analytics and content delivery but cannot yet cultivate the intangible human capacities students need. Memorizing moral theories is different from developing a moral compass or emotional intelligence.
Weaver: Yes, learning to reason through real-life situations is the key.
Jacobsen: Thank you so much. Have a great weekend.
Weaver: You too. I appreciate it.
Glover: Take care.
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