Irina Tsukerman, End of Conversational Antisemitism Glossary
Author(s): Scott Douglas Jacobsen
Publication (Outlet/Website): The Good Men Project
Publication Date (yyyy/mm/dd): 2025/04/19
Irina Tsukerman, a New York-based human rights and national security attorney, examines obscure and evolving forms of antisemitism, including conspiracy theories like the New World Order, QAnon, and Zionist Occupied Government (ZOG). She explores how these narratives falsely depict Jews as global manipulators and blame them for political shifts, social unrest, and economic crises. She highlights how historical antisemitic tropes—such as Judeo-Bolshevism, accusations of dual loyalty, and exaggerated physical caricatures—have persisted and adapted across different cultural and political contexts. She also examines modern antisemitic rhetoric, including the Deadly Exchange conspiracy, which falsely blames Jews for oppressive policing tactics, and Holocaust distortion, which ranges from minimization to outright denial. The discussion touches on the resurgence of slurs like “kike” and the misrepresentation of kosher certification as a Zionist scheme. Lastly, she analyzes the genocidal implications of slogans like “From the river to the sea” and the targeting of Jews in pandemic-related conspiracies.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Hey! Oh my gosh, it’s Irina Tsukerman! Once again, we’re talking to a smart and insightful lady. Today, we’ll be covering more obscure forms of antisemitism that we haven’t yet discussed, and this should probably wrap up our conversation on the topic. We’ve gone from a comprehensive overview of antisemitism to bizarre forms of it, and now we’re moving into what I’d call “leftover antisemitism.” Of course, this isn’t the last word on the subject, because antisemitism tends to evolve—it’s fluid.
Once again, as you explained yesterday or the day before, we are dealing with the idea of a cabal. This concept has been falsely linked to Kabbalah, which led to its distorted interpretation. So, what is this supposed secret group that is allegedly trying to establish an all-powerful global regime? The New World Order: I’ve even heard it referred to as the Jew World Order. However, the reasoning behind that seems to lack real depth—these conspiracy theorists appear to have no taste.
Irina Tsukerman: And because their imagination is limited, they fail to recognize that, if they were trying to be accurate, they would be looking at actual major state actors that are actively shaping global structures—multipolarity, Eurasianism, and other geopolitical shifts. But I suppose conspiracy thinking only takes you so far. The New World Order is an idea that keeps getting recycled, and sometimes, it even makes its way into mainstream contexts.
For example, when President George H.W. Bush used the term “New World Order,” he wasn’t promoting an antisemitic conspiracy. He signalled a shift in policy structure—a new direction for U.S. foreign policy as the Cold War ended. The Soviet Union was collapsing, and there was an opportunity to capitalize on presumed liberalization and unipolarity, with the U.S. emerging as the world’s sole superpower.
However, conspiracy theorists—who are fixated on Jewish influence—seize on every major shift or potential change as proof that Jews are orchestrating events to consolidate their power. No matter what happens, they always reach the same conclusion: Jews must be behind it. Whether the issue at hand is globalism or anti-globalism, globalization or de-globalization, the conspiracy always morphs to fit the narrative, even when it’s completely contradictory.
The term New World Order itself is rarely clearly defined. In any world order, there will always be an elite with more power, wealth, and access than the average person. Whether it’s a monarchy, oligarchy, democracy, technocracy, or republic, there will always be those with privilege and influence. Some people strive for power, some resent those in power, and others accept the system for what it is.
The idea that the world was once “perfect” and that sinister forces—in this case, Jews—are now trying to change it into something radically different and dystopian is, quite frankly, simplistic, bizarre, and cartoonish.
Jacobsen: You briefly mentioned QAnon in a previous interview but haven’t discussed it in depth. While QAnon is no longer uniquely American, it originated within American conspiracy culture and political discourse—or at least, that’s how I understand it.
Tsukerman: I would argue that it is important because the first mention of QAnon in common popular lore, as far as I know, came from two South African bloggers. Yes, which would make sense, given that South Africa is generally filled with all sorts of conspiracies, including homegrown ones—such as the false belief that raping a virgin can cure AIDS. I’m not even joking. It’s a common misconception, which is one reason for the high prevalence of sex crimes in South Africa.
Jacobsen: That’s horrifying.
Tsukerman: It is. It is. South Africa has a high crime rate, and of course, what happens is the opposite—AIDS is transmitted through sexual contact, so all this myth does is create more AIDS patients. So that’s one homegrown conspiracy, which essentially comes from a lack of basic education about AIDS.
But QAnon is not one of those witchcraft-type conspiracies. It is probably tied to Russian influence within South Africa. More likely, it was fed to these bloggers through Russian intelligence services, similar to Operation INFEKTION—a Soviet disinformation campaign that originated in obscure publications in Germany and India before being increasingly normalized, “news-laundered,” and mainstreamed until it reached specific demographics in the United States, such as the African American community and various left-wing groups.
At the time, Operation INFEKTION pushed the false claim that the U.S. deliberately invented and spread AIDS to eliminate African and Black populations and that it only affected Black people. This QAnon trajectory appears to follow a similar disinformation pattern—it started as a foreign import, emerging in an obscure online source before spreading like wildfire until it reached the top echelons of U.S. politics.
For example, former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn became one of its main proponents, as did Jack Posobiec—a former intelligence officer who later founded the conservative media company ONN in the U.S. He was also one of the main figures behind Pizzagate, which focused on baseless pedophile sex trafficking allegations involving Washington and Hollywood elites.
Jacobsen: Some younger audiences might have assumed that Pizzagate involved the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles fighting the Shredder—but no, it’s much worse.
Tsukerman: Yes, it’s literally wild—oh my gosh. This conspiracy theory somehow linked Washington and Hollywood sex offenders to Hillary Clinton and other prominent Democrats, accusing them of running a child sex trafficking ring.
According to these claims, this ring operated out of a Washington, D.C., pizzeria called Comet Ping Pong, and conspiracy theorists alleged that a terrorist attack would expose these criminals. This specific version of Pizzagate began on dark web troll networks, including 4chan and the “HNs,” platforms notorious for criminal activity, disinformation, and Russian conspiracy tools.
They claimed that Clinton’s associates were paid in both money and children by foreign donors to the Clinton Foundation. Now, while it is true that the Clinton Foundation—like many NGOs and think tanks in Washington—had a “pay-to-play” element, there is zero evidence linking it to sex trafficking.
However, what is true is that Clinton, Donald Trump, and many other prominent individuals—both Democrats and Republicans—had connections to Jeffrey Epstein, who was involved in trafficking young and sometimes underage women and using blackmail against prominent individuals from all political backgrounds.
So ironically, we’re seeing that QAnon conspirators are mirroring the Russian method of projection and diversion—essentially accusing others of exactly what they are doing. The people participating in blackmail schemes and MeToo-type activities are the same people who also spread conspiracy theories—but only against their political opponents.
Jacobsen: We have one last topic in this category: Zionist Occupied Government (ZOG)—the assertion that Jews secretly control Western governments.
It’s not just the claim that Jewish organizations or Israel influences democracies through lobbying. It’s not merely arguing that Western governments are democracies with Jewish involvement. It’s asserting that Western governments themselves are mere covers for secret Jewish control.
Why?
Tsukerman: This idea is widely spread in the Middle East and undoubtedly builds on Soviet-era conspiracy theories.
The Soviet Union deliberately worked to merge anti-Zionism and antisemitism, fusing antisemitic narratives with Middle Eastern paranoia about U.S. foreign policy, xenophobia, pan-Arabism, and nationalism—especially in Ba’athist-dominated states like Syria and Iraq.
This was an intentional Soviet foreign policy strategy. The goal was to foster governmental and non-governmental opposition to Western nations, primarily the U.S. and the U.K. It was a deliberate geopolitical tactic designed to build social resistance against Western foreign policy—using paranoid, antisemitic conspiracy theories to polarize populations and weaken diplomatic cooperation between Western governments and Middle Eastern societies.
Jacobsen: Let’s discuss Judeo-Bolshevism—the claim that Jews were behind communist revolutions and other left-wing, authoritarian, or subversive movements.
Tsukerman: This belief originated from early communist movements, such as the Mensheviks. Still, it was also heavily promoted by the Nazis. While communists blamed Jews for capitalism, the Nazis weaponized antisemitism to accuse Jews of being traitors, communists, and agents of international socialism.
Let’s not forget that the Nazi Party was socialist—but with a nationalist twist. Unlike international socialism, which sought to export revolutions globally, National Socialism (Nazism) was ethnocentric, chauvinistic, and focused on territorial expansion and annexation.
Slightly different variations—same expansionist, hegemonic, authoritarian, and antisemitic ideology. Both communists and Nazis accused each other of being controlled by Jews, and both used Jews as scapegoats for their perceived political enemies.
Historically, many Jews did join the Communist Party in Germany and the Soviet Union, often due to their opposition to historical oppression and the belief that communism could create an equal society where they would no longer face discrimination.
So, essentially, it was a deliberate political strategy—to separate Western governments from any chance of successfully engaging Arab and broader Muslim-majority Middle Eastern populations.
And, frankly, the same antisemitic narratives were exported to other parts of the world, including Latin America. This concept still survives in different forms today and is still fueled by the same sources.
Now, you have Islamist movements and groups feeding into this and helping fan the flames. These conspiracy theories persist despite greater openness, dialogue, and increased U.S. influence and presence in the Middle East. They haven’t been completely—nor partially—eliminated on the ground.
Of course, the worst governments in Iraq and Syria have been removed. Still, the conspiracy theories continue—often outlasting specific regimes. These ideas persist in the public consciousness, media, and intelligence agencies, maintaining institutional continuity even as political leadership changes.
Jacobsen: Now, what about the phrase “Jew Down”—the stereotype that Jewish people are miserly or cheap?
Tsukerman: It’s absurd. This kind of racial slur should have faded away along with many other offensive phrases that were common in past centuries. And yet, it still survives.
I’ve seen online celebrities use it, and for some reason, it doesn’t trigger the same backlash or “cancellation” response that similar racial slurs would if they were directed at African Americans or other minorities.
The stereotype of Jewish greed and economic control is tied to historical misconceptions about money lending and usury. In medieval Europe, Christians were forbidden—by religious law—from charging interest on loans. However, Jewish law did not impose this restriction when lending to non-Jews. As a result, Jews could offer loans with interest, which allowed them to earn money that way.
At the same time, Jews were barred from participating in many so-called “legitimate” professions—such as law and government—unless they converted to Christianity. In response, many Jews focused on banking and finance because those were the few areas where they could work.
This perception of Jewish thriftiness was also linked to the extravagance of Christian monarchs. Many European rulers were expected to display wealth, to splurge on entertainment, and to spend vast sums on warfare.
Jews, however, had practical reasons for being financially cautious:
- They needed savings in case of persecution, as history repeatedly showed they could be expelled anytime.
- Wealthy Jews were often forced to bail out monarchs who had overspent on wars and luxuries.
- Jewish communities had to pool financial resources—not only for communal needs but also to pay ransoms when pirates or bandits kidnapped Jewish individuals.
Because of these factors, Jews were less likely to spend lavishly and instead focused on preserving wealth. This clashed with European cultural norms, leading to the stereotype of Jewish stinginess.
Jacobsen: Now, what about Jewish Lightning and the Kosher Tax?
The fundamental premise behind Jewish Lightning and the Kosher Tax conspiracy theory is essentially the same—it’s rooted in the belief that Jews operate through deception and hidden schemes.
These conspiracy theories are just as absurd as claims about subterranean tunnels, secret moon bases, and hidden Antarctic fortresses.
They all rely on the same kind of paranoid thinking—that Jews supposedly say one thing publicly while secretly manipulating events for their benefit.
Tsukerman: Jewish Lightning is the false claim that Jewish business owners commit arson on their properties to collect insurance money—a baseless and antisemitic trope.
The Kosher Tax conspiracy alleges that consumers are forced to pay extra for kosher certification on food products—a myth commonly spread by white supremacists and right-wing extremists.
Both of these conspiracies reflect the same underlying stereotype: the idea that Jews cannot be trusted, that they operate through dishonest financial practices and that they secretly control economic systems.
Another example of antisemitic projection, then.
Look, to some extent, there is a monopoly on kosher food certification in the U.S., which does make it significantly more expensive than non-kosher food. However, most people who consume kosher food are Jewish, except for the occasional non-Jewish patron dining at a kosher restaurant. Non-Jewish consumers generally do not purchase kosher food, which is more expensive. The higher cost of kosher certification is due to religious oversight requirements, which involve certifying bodies and inspectors, making the process more labour-intensive.
Naturally, as with any product that requires specialized certification, the cost gets passed on to the consumer. But there is no conspiracy—it is simply a standard business practice when high demand, limited supply, and additional production costs are involved. Most people are not affected because they do not buy kosher food. So, it’s unclear what the conspiracy theory even alleges since this market is entirely voluntary and affects only those who actively seek out kosher-certified products.
However, the second part of this conspiracy theory claims that the extra cost of kosher products is not just compensation for the certification process but that these additional costs are secretly funnelled into Jewish organizations, Zionist causes, or the Israeli government. Of course, there is no evidence to support this claim. While some Jewish organizations that offer kosher certifications support Jewish causes in the U.S. or Israel, they do not redirect kosher certification fees specifically for political or nationalist purposes. There is no secret exchange taking place. These organizations exist in the same communal space. They may, separately, engage in charitable or advocacy efforts related to Jewish interests. The idea that kosher certification fees are some covert Zionist taxes is a classic antisemitic trope designed to fuel distrust toward Jewish businesses and institutions.
Now, moving on to cultural and social stereotypes, let’s talk about the claim that Jews are clannish—that they only associate with their kind. In most cases, this is a patently absurd notion, especially in modern cosmopolitan societies where exclusivity is impractical. The irony is that this stereotype originates from the very same Christian societies that historically segregated Jews. In medieval Europe, Jews were forced into ghettos. They were legally barred from socializing with non-Jews unless they converted to Christianity. They were also restricted from many professions, often relegated to roles such as moneylenders and physicians—professions that required limited interaction with the broader Christian population. So, to the extent that Jewish communities were insular, it was not by choice—it was the direct result of discriminatory policies imposed by Christian rulers.
There was generally more social integration in Muslim-majority societies, but significant restrictions still existed. Intermarriage, for instance, was culturally and religiously discouraged in both Jewish and Muslim communities, but this was not unique to Jews—it was simply a common cultural norm across many societies at the time. However, when it came to friendships and social associations, Jews were not precluded from interacting with non-Jews. The one major limitation was food consumption—strictly religious Jews required kosher food, which was not always readily available. As a result, Jewish families often socialized within their communities simply because it was logistically easier to maintain religious dietary practices. But this was not due to hatred or a desire to exclude others—it was a practical necessity. The idea that Jews deliberately isolate themselves from non-Jews is simply a distorted reading of history.
Jacobsen: What about the idea that Jews lack real patriotic commitment?
Tsukerman: That stereotype is closely tied to the concept of “rootless cosmopolitanism,” which was aggressively propagated by the Soviet Union. It is also connected to the dual loyalty accusation, which became more pronounced after establishing the State of Israel. The claim suggests that Jews, because of their distinct ethnic and religious identity, cannot fully be loyal citizens of the countries they live in. Historically, this accusation was used as a political weapon—whether by European nationalists, Soviet communists, or modern-day antisemites—to frame Jews as outsiders, regardless of their actual level of civic participation. This idea implies that Jews are inherently disloyal to their home nations, particularly in times of war or political crisis.
But this argument falls apart under scrutiny. Jews have served in their respective nations’ militaries, governments, and leadership roles for centuries. They have fought in wars, contributed to national economies, and played significant roles in science, arts, and politics. The accusation of dual loyalty is simply a convenient way to single out Jews for suspicion. At the same time, other ethnic or religious groups with transnational ties (such as Catholics with the Vatican or Muslims with Mecca) are not subjected to the same scrutiny.
Ultimately, these antisemitic tropes persist because they offer simplistic, scapegoating explanations for complex historical and social dynamics. Whether it’s economic stereotypes, social exclusion myths, or accusations of political disloyalty, these narratives serve to isolate and vilify Jewish communities rather than engage with the real history and realities of Jewish life in different societies.
It’s blatantly false to claim that Jews lack patriotism or have no national loyalty. Jews have served in governments and militaries of their respective countries for centuries, including in the Ottoman Empire, the United Kingdom, various European nations, and the United States—whenever they were not prohibited from doing so. When given the opportunity, they participated equally alongside everyone else and often displayed strong patriotic leanings. Of course, Jews also faced discrimination, and when the chance arose to relocate to Israel, many chose to leave—but at times, they were actively forced out. The idea that Jews lack rooted national loyalty is not just a falsehood—it is an outright libel, historically used to justify exclusion, discrimination, and expulsion.
Online antisemitic discussion forums and message boards have developed a coded language filled with tropes and insider terminology meant to obscure their bigotry from outsiders. Much of this language exists to ensure that, when outsiders peek in, they struggle to understand what’s being discussed. It creates an exclusive, insular environment, reinforcing their ideological bubble. It is almost as if they are speaking their secret language, similar to a specialized jargon one might hear at CERN. Still, in this case, it serves a malicious purpose.
Jacobsen: This isn’t the only example of coded language online. What about the triple parentheses, the echo symbol, e.g., “(((echo))),” or the use of words enclosed in triple parentheses?
Tsukerman: Much of this originates from the dark web and fringe online communities before being mainstreamed into social media discourse. The purpose of coded language is twofold. First, it allows users to bypass content moderation, evade anti-discrimination filters, and avoid being flagged by social media algorithms. Some platforms have automated systems designed to detect and remove antisemitic hate speech, so these users develop workarounds—using slang, memes, and coded symbols to keep their conversations hidden from automated detection and casual observers.
However, the second reason is more ideological. These coded signals are meant to reinforce the idea that shadowy forces are suppressing antisemitic discourse. This plays into the victimhood narrative—that those who spread antisemitic conspiracy theories are the “truth-tellers” who are being marginalized and persecuted. The same false grievance fuels the “War on Christmas” myth—the notion that people are forbidden from saying “Merry Christmas,” even though no such ban exists.
The same logic applies here—antisemitic groups claim that they are “not allowed” to talk about Jews, even though antisemitism has existed in public discourse for centuries. While it may not be encouraged or celebrated, it has never been fully silenced or erased. However, these groups falsely equate the lack of mainstream promotion of antisemitism with censorship, deplatforming, and political persecution.
This is why coded language is so effective—it fuels conspiracy thinking, strengthens group identity, and fosters a sense of persecution. It creates an illusion of an underground resistance movement, where members see themselves as truth-seekers fighting against an oppressive system. In reality, they are simply reinforcing their delusions and manufacturing a sense of victimhood to justify their bigotry.
Jacobsen: We discussed this before, but it’s striking how deliberate this strategy is.
Tsukerman: It’s not just about hiding antisemitism—it’s about making it feel subversive and rebellious so that followers believe they are engaged in some grand struggle rather than simply peddling age-old hatred.
Jacobsen: There is the stuff around the exaggerated big nose, smirking expression, and the rubbing of hands—the smirking merchant trope. Where does that stereotype reach its highest pitch? More generally, have exaggerated physical features been a consistent feature of antisemitic media for a long time?
Tsukerman: Absolutely. A lot of these visual tropes originate from Nazi propaganda. Still, they also predate that era, going back to medieval Christian portrayals of Jews in anti-Jewish conspiracy theories and artwork. Historically, Jews—including Ashkenazi Jews—had distinct Middle Eastern features, making them visibly different from traditionally white European populations. This natural ethnic difference was exaggerated grotesquely to emphasize otherness and foster polarization. The goal was to alienate Jews from the broader society by making them appear physically distinct and repulsive.
Later, right-wing white supremacist movements and the Nazis took this further. They deliberately depicted Jews as vermin-like creatures, portraying them as ugly, unhealthy, physically weak, and inferior to the so-called “Aryan race.” This dehumanization strategy became a core part of Nazi propaganda, reinforcing the belief that Jews were not only socially undesirable but biologically subhuman. These ideas did not disappear after World War II—they continued to spread. They were later adopted by some Middle Eastern cultures, particularly in antisemitic portrayals of Israeli leaders.
In these depictions, grotesque physical exaggerations were often combined with bloodthirsty imagery, playing into age-old blood libel accusations—the false claim that Jews murder Christian or Palestinian children for ritualistic purposes. This imagery functions effectively as propaganda because people instinctively react aggressively toward ugliness. When an enemy is made to appear monstrous, it is much easier to justify violence or discrimination against them. Conversely, when someone looks similar to you, there is an inherent sense of shared humanity, making dehumanization more difficult.
This is why visual distortion in propaganda is so powerful—if someone perceives their enemy as ugly, alien, or monstrous, it reinforces pre-existing bias and makes them easier to hate. Furthermore, in regions where direct interaction with Jews and Israelis is limited, these caricatures become the dominant perception of Jewish people. Without real-life engagement, it is much easier to believe in negative stereotypes, to vilify an entire group, and to imagine them as inherently evil—rather than recognizing their humanity and common concerns.
Jacobsen: The idea of globalism and George Soros has been widely discussed. This builds into the dual loyalty accusation—the claim that Jews are transient cosmopolitans, the well-to-do “gypsies” of the world, with no real national allegiance.
This idea intersects with multiple antisemitic narratives. The accusation of dual loyalty suggests that Jews are never truly committed to their country of residence and that they serve a foreign agenda, whether it be Israel or a globalist conspiracy. At the same time, the reverse accusation exists—the claim that Jews have no loyalty at all, that they are rootless, transient elites who operate above nations and manipulate world affairs for their benefit.
These are contradictory narratives, but they serve the same function—to portray Jews as untrustworthy, disloyal, and fundamentally different from the majority population. Whether they are accused of controlling global capitalism, secretly running communist revolutions, or manipulating world politics, the result is the same—a scapegoat for society’s problems.
The key difference between these two narratives—”dual loyalty” versus “no loyalty”—is that dual loyalty assumes Jews are working for another state (usually Israel). In contrast, the “no loyalty” claim paints them as opportunistic globalists with no national allegiance. However, both accusations lead to the same conclusion: that Jews are outsiders who cannot be trusted.
Tsukerman: This is why these tropes persist across different political ideologies. Whether it’s far-right nationalists, far-left anti-globalists, or Islamist movements, the accusation shifts to fit the context. But the underlying purpose remains unchanged: to frame Jews as a permanent “other”—a group that exists outside the national fabric and is working against the interests of the majority population.
The underlying theme here is distrust—the idea that Jews cannot be trusted, that they have ulterior motives, and that their true intentions are unknowable. Even if those motives are not tied to any specific country, the accusation remains: “You never really know what these people are thinking.” This fosters a sense of suspicion and alienation, reinforcing the belief that Jews should not be included in society.
This narrative suggests that Jews cannot be your friends, that you cannot defend them, and that they should not be included in elite institutions. It perpetuates exclusionary policies—justifying why Jews should be barred from private clubs, prestigious universities, top law firms, and high-ranking positions. The justification? “They are not like us.” Their motivations are unclear, their allegiances are questionable, and their values are fundamentally different. This belief does not necessarily rely on physical differences. Instead, it suggests that Jews are internally distinct—culturally, religiously, and psychologically.
This fuels the desire to fabricate even more ambiguous suspicions—because as long as their true nature remains undefined, it provides an excuse to exclude them. There is also a deeper psychological element at play. Once a society opens the door to including culturally or religiously distinct people, it forces self-reflection. It challenges people to question their cultural identity, which can be deeply unsettling. As a result, some people project their insecurities onto Jews, questioning their motives and their loyalties rather than confronting their uncertainties.
Jacobsen: There is also the notion of blaming Jews collectively for the death of Jesus. The phrase “30 pieces of silver” appears in the Bible, referencing Judas Iscariot, who was portrayed as the ultimate betrayer who sold out Jesus to the authorities. How does this portrayal contribute to what could be considered biblical antisemitism?
Tsukerman: It’s a strange contradiction. First, according to Christian tradition, the crucifixion of Jesus was prophesied—it was predestined and unavoidable. If that is the case, who can truly be blamed for it? If it was meant to happen, then the idea of “Jewish complicity” in deicide becomes self-defeating.
Second, Christian theology holds that Jesus sacrificed himself to cleanse humanity of sin. Suppose that sacrifice was a necessary and redemptive act. Shouldn’t those who played a role in it be seen as fulfilling God’s plan rather than as villains? If Jesus had not been killed, then there would be nothing to celebrate in Christianity—no resurrection, no redemption. Yet, for centuries, this paradox has been ignored, and the blame has been placed squarely on the Jews.
The idea that Jews collectively bear responsibility for the crucifixion was explicitly rejected by the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) in the 1960s. However, this decision only applies to the Catholic Church—it does not erase centuries of Christian antisemitic narratives, nor does it affect non-Catholic denominations that still perpetuate these beliefs. Even within Catholicism, older traditions and cultural biases remain deeply ingrained.
On a theological level, the accusation of deicide is nonsensical. If God is all-powerful and eternal, then God cannot be killed—the very concept of “killing God” is self-contradictory. The blame placed on Jews is not based on logical reasoning but rather on a need to scapegoat an entire group for a foundational event in Christian history.
This brings us to the Pharisees, often portrayed negatively in Christian texts. The ultimate accusation against the Jewish authorities of the time was that they did not accept Jesus as the Messiah. At its core, this is not a crime but simply a difference in religious belief. Yet, this theological disagreement has been weaponized for centuries and used as a justification for antisemitism, exclusion, and persecution.
The accusation isn’t just that Jews killed Jesus—but rather, that they never accepted him. The deicide claim is essentially an exaggerated resentment, even though it makes no sense in many ways. The notion of betrayal is equally absurd, as it assigns historical and eternal collective responsibility to all Jewish people for the actions of one individual—Judas Iscariot.
Ironically, Judas was one of Jesus’s disciples—meaning he was a follower, not one of the Jews who originally rejected Jesus. Those who did not accept Jesus as the Messiah owed him no loyalty to begin with. From the Jewish perspective, he was a potential heretic, making claims that did not align with Jewish theology. Judaism has specific messianic criteria, and by Christian accounts of the story, Jesus did not fulfill them.
Jacobsen: This brings us to a related antisemitic trope: the accusation that Jews use their influence to silence criticism. This stereotype suggests that Jews manipulate public discourse, suppress dissenting opinions, or smear critics through negative information campaigns.
The “poisoning the well” comes in—the idea that Jews preemptively discredit people before they can even present their argument? Poisoning the well is a rhetorical tactic where negative information is introduced about a person or group before they even have a chance to speak. It’s like introducing a new colleague to others by subtly implying they are unpleasant or untrustworthy—but applied to an entire group. This tactic sets up bias in advance, making people dismiss the group’s perspective without engaging with it fairly.
Tsukerman: One of the most common antisemitic claims is that Jews deliberately engineer criticism against themselves to avoid accountability. This is inherently bigoted because it targets an entire group with a sweeping accusation, denying individual choice or personal agency. That dehumanization is the essence of group-based bigotry, no matter the religion, ethnicity, or cultural identity involved.
Furthermore, this idea that Jews manufacture accusations of antisemitism to shield themselves from legitimate criticism is often used to perpetuate harmful stereotypes. Instead of acknowledging that Jewish communities—like all groups—are diverse and full of debate, these narratives present them as a monolithic bloc with a hidden agenda. In reality, Jews do not universally agree on anything, let alone on political issues like Israel or Zionism. However, antisemitic rhetoric erases these differences to create a single, caricatured enemy.
Jacobsen: And then there’s the stereotyping of Israel as 100% Jewish—as though everything Israel does represents all Jewish people, regardless of reality. This is a tactic to frame Israel as a stand-in for all Jews—which, in turn, makes anything Israel does a Jewish action and, therefore, by antisemitic logic, bad by default. The language used around this often includes derogatory shorthand like “Zionist” or “Zio,” which are frequently used as pejoratives.
Then there are thought-terminating clichés, like “Zionism is racism,” which shut down discussion rather than engaging with historical and political complexities. Another phrase central to this discourse is “From the river to the sea.”
That phrase confused me when I first heard it. “From the river to the sea” has been used in different contexts. Still, in the most common political interpretation, it implies the elimination of Israel as a Jewish state—a call for Palestinian sovereignty over the entire land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.
Tsukerman: Many people who repeat this slogan believe it represents a call for Palestinian liberation. Still, its historical and militant context suggests the removal of Jews from the region altogether.
At the same time, this projection of fear and dispossession is often inverted. The same people who accuse Israel of planning to take over Palestinian territory entirely use “From the river to the sea” to imply that Israelis are the ones threatening Palestinians with elimination. In reality, the phrase has been a rallying cry for groups that openly advocate for Israel’s destruction, making it a clear example of how antisemitic narratives can be repackaged as political slogans.
At its core, the phrase is a placeholder for a broader antisemitic argument—one that frames Israel as an extension of Jewish global power and claims that the Jewish state exists purely as a tool of domination rather than as a nation with a complex history and diverse population.
The implication behind these arguments is clear: Jews should not have the right to a nation-state, even though other groups do. First, Israel is not an exclusively Jewish state, even though it is a Jewish nation-state. As we have seen with the recent Hamas release of prisoners, hostages included people of all backgrounds, including Bedouin Muslim Arabs, who were tortured and broken simply for holding Israeli citizenship—despite having no religious or cultural connection to Judaism.
Additionally, Israel is a pluralistic state, home to various ethnic and religious groups, including migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers from Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea, and other countries. Many of these non-Jewish residents live in Israel without citizenship and have no direct ties to Judaism or Israeli nationalism. Furthermore, Israel has small but historically significant minority communities, such as the Samaritans, who are quasi-Jewish but reside in Palestinian territories and other regions.
Despite these realities, the claim that Israel is exclusively Jewish is often weaponized to delegitimize its existence. This is particularly troubling given the Holocaust, centuries of Jewish persecution, and the fact that Jews possess a unique, distinct cultural and religious identity. The outright opposition to Jewish self-determination, while other ethnic and national groups are granted the right to their states, is inherently bigoted and antisemitic. There is no other way to describe it.
What about Zionism? It seems that most Jews identify as Zionists, even if they criticize Israel heavily. Most Jews are Zionists, even if they are highly critical of Israel. The reason is that Zionism is deeply ingrained in Jewish history and tradition.
From a religious perspective, Zionism is not separate from Judaism—it is one of its core tenets. Many Jewish religious commandments can only be fulfilled in Israel under a Jewish-led government. This is a fundamental part of Jewish religious law. However, many people outside the Jewish community may be unaware of it.
Even secular Jews, who do not practice religiously, often feel a distant connection to Israel—even if they criticize its policies or governance. Zionism is not a political ideology alone—it is also a cultural and historical movement rooted in the belief that Jews deserve self-determination, like any other people.
Additionally, Zionists are not exclusively Jewish—many non-Jews support Israel’s right to exist for the same reason they support the national aspirations of other groups. There are diverse visions of what Israel should be, but the fundamental principle of Jewish self-determination remains the same.
The idea that Zionism is inherently shameful or evil is itself a form of antisemitism. The claim that “Zionism is racism” was aggressively pushed by the Soviet Union, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and other hostile actors. This false narrative was heavily promoted at the Durban Conference in South Africa, which was boycotted by Israel’s allies because of its clear antisemitic overtones.
This rhetoric is designed to frame Zionism as a uniquely oppressive ideology rather than recognizing it as one of many national liberation movements. The goal of these campaigns has always been to defame Zionism, delegitimize Jewish self-determination, and portray Israel as a colonial project rather than a historical homeland for an indigenous people.
Jacobsen: What about the phrase “From the river to the sea”?
Tsukerman: “From the river to the sea” is a slogan that many college students and activists repeat without fully understanding its origins or implications—some don’t even know which river and which sea it refers to. But its meaning is clear in militant and extremist contexts: it is a call for the destruction of Israel.
The phrase is not about converting Israel into a pluralistic state or reversing colonial structures. It is a euphemism for mass ethnic cleansing—the extermination or forced removal of all Jews living in Israel. The literal meaning of the phrase is that Israel must cease to exist, with its Jewish population eradicated or expelled.
This slogan has been used by terrorist organizations, including Hamas, whose charter explicitly calls for the destruction of Israel and the killing of Jews. While some activists ignorantly repeat it, believing it to be a call for Palestinian liberation, the historical and militant context of the phrase makes its meaning undeniably genocidal.
This is why the slogan is so dangerous—it is not merely a political statement but a rallying cry for violence used by those who openly advocate for Israel’s destruction. When people use it without understanding its origins, they inadvertently lend credibility to an extremist ideology that calls for mass murder.
A lot of this rhetoric originates from Hamas’s charter, which is explicitly genocidal and calls for the complete elimination of the State of Israel. It goes beyond opposition to Israel’s existence—Hamas’s ideology includes the claim that all Jews are cursed. According to this worldview, cursed people have no right to protection or inclusion in society. This rhetoric is not just anti-Israel—it is fundamentally antisemitic, targeting Jews worldwide.
Jacobsen: Let’s cover Deadly Exchange, Holocaust distortion, and the slur “kike” all at once. Deadly Exchange is an antisemitic conspiracy theory that falsely links Israel and Jewish organizations to oppressive police tactics worldwide. The idea is that whenever police behave ethically, Jews are absent from the conversation—but whenever police engage in brutality, Jews are somehow to blame. This narrative paints Jews as responsible for systemic police violence despite zero evidence to support this claim.
This conspiracy theory operates on selective framing. If the police act justly, Jewish involvement is ignored. If police engage in misconduct, it is attributed to a so-called Jewish connection—often linked to training programs or collaborations between U.S. and Israeli law enforcement. This follows the classic antisemitic pattern of collective blame, where individual Jews or institutions are held responsible for broader social injustices.
Of course, Israel is not immune to criticism regarding police misconduct—but police abuse exists in every country and affects Jews as well as non-Jews. In Israel, cases of police violence are investigated, and there are legal mechanisms for prosecuting misconduct. The idea that Jews or Israel are somehow responsible for global police brutality is completely baseless. Historically, Jews have advocated for police reform, including abolishing harsh punishments in military and law enforcement systems. In the U.S., Jewish activists have been at the forefront of civil rights and criminal justice reform.
And the slur “kike”—where does that come from?
Tsukerman: “Kike” originated during the mass migration of Eastern European Jews to the United States. Many Jewish surnames ended in “-ski” or “-ky,” and some non-Jewish immigration officials shortened these names to “kai”—a pronunciation that evolved into the slur “kike”.
It was not a common slur in Eastern Europe—there, other antisemitic epithets were more prevalent. In Western Europe, “Jude” or “Juden” was often used derogatorily. While “kike” has become less common in recent years, there has been a rise in modern antisemitic rhetoric, where Jews are smeared based on their perceived connection to Israel. Many contemporary antisemitic insults center around accusations of Zionism or conspiracies about Jewish global influence.
Jacobsen: And then there’s Holocaust distortion with holocough—not just denying it, but twisting it into something else.
Tsukerman: Yes, Holocaust distortion comes in several forms. Some minimize the Holocaust, claiming it was exaggerated, while others deny it outright. Another tactic is to accuse Jews of exploiting the Holocaust to whitewash alleged Israeli abuses or gain sympathy for political purposes.
Now, there is also an emerging trend of blaming Jews for COVID-19—as part of a long history of scapegoating Jews for plagues, pandemics, and natural disasters. Conspiracies about the pandemic deflect from real issues, such as China’s initial handling of COVID-19 and its lack of transparency. Instead, these theories redirect anger toward Jews, portraying them as manipulators of global health policies or profiteers of the crisis.
This is not new—Jews have been blamed for everything from the Black Death in medieval Europe to financial crises in modern history. These conspiracy theories lack any scientific or historical basis. Yet, they persist because they provide an easy scapegoat for complex global events.
Jacobsen: We made it. Excellent. Thank you so much.
Tsukerman: Yes! Thank you.
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