#militancy

Félicien Breton 🍉 🔻 🌱breton@climatejustice.social
2025-04-27

"Like many women in Israel, I have also experienced a rude feminist awakening during this war. I’ve lost Palestinian comrades who did not like my condemnation of Hamas’ violence against Israeli women on October 7, and I’ve lost Jewish friends who regarded women in Gaza as legitimate targets.

"After some painful reflection, I’ve come to learn the strength and courage we women must cultivate to unequivocally denounce any violence against a woman’s body as abhorrent, whether" the aggressor is Palestinian or Israelian.

Samah Salaime: 972mag.com/systematic-sexual-v

@palestine @israel

#entitlement #report #UNHRC #warAgainstWomen #sexualViolence #warRapes #militancy #militants #solidarity #feminism #israelPalestine #israelApartheid #OneState #GazaWar #warOnGaza #israelWars #ongoingNakba #femonationalism #IDF #army #warCrimes #military #sexualAssault #sexualHarassment #sexualViolence #October7War #settlers

Disabled Miners 1970s Strikes Strategies

I wrote a summary of the Disabled Miners strikes here, which I’ll quote below:

In West Virginia 1968, seventy-eight miners died in a mine explosion, which shocked the country and put a spotlight on mining dangers. Regional doctors began to fight back against the mining companies’ long medical coverup and denial of black lung disease, and brought that to the union halls. About this time, “Tony” Boyle gained control of United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), and began cutting the pensions of Disabled mine workers.

In 1969, Joseph Yablonski ran against a corrupt “Tony” Boyle to end corruption within the UMWA. However, they were assassinated by Boyle, per the courts investigations into Yablonski and his wife’s death.

Angered, miners founded Miners for Democracy and together with Disabled Miners and Widows and the Black Lung Association, they led the fight to reform the UMWA.

Robert Payne and other Disabled miners in the 1970s started a five-week strike, where they compelled non-disabled miners to join them until over twenty-five thousand workers adhered to the picket lines. These disabled miners led the charge in reforming the UMWA union, which included strikes and lawsuits to push for regulations to make mining safer and for disabled miners to received their promised pensions. The abled-bodied miners understood they risked becoming disabled themselves via injury or daily intake of coal dust.

One crucial point is that there was no one leader for the wildcat strikes that started in 1970 and concluded in 1978. The movement stayed decentralized as the rank and file conducted their strikes from West Virginia to Illinois. This culminated in 1977/78 with one of the longest running strikes in labor history.

The 1970s miner strikes brought together union and non-union miners in a series of wildcat strikes. Several strategies were utilized to great success. Adam Turl writes in International Socialist Review:

In 1977 alone—prior to the start of the national strike—strikes cost the industry 2.3 million days of work lost—ten times the rate of work stoppages in other industries.”

Stranger Picketing And Cross-Movement Solidarity

One strategy lay in the “stranger picketing.” Tradition held that no miner should cross the picket line regardless of whether they knew who started it. Strikers relied on that tradition when they sent some strikers to nearby mines and set up a strike line there. This allowed them to spread the strikes, where eventually the strikes ranged from North Carolina all the way to Illinois.

Since the strike was organized on the grassroots level, it incorporated decentralized strategies to keep the wildcat strikes going. Although some touted that the lack of centralized leadership was a weakness, the strength of the decentralized organizing meant the strikes increased in scale faster and held the line firmer than if UMWA organized the strike. The rank and file formed community connections and solidarity with other workers in other industries which the leadership of the UMWA and the Corporation representatives failed to break.

The miners were a diverse group of people, and workers in other industries came out in support of the miners. Other groups such as socialists and mutual aid organizations also supported the miners. For example, the Black miners often had the support of groups like the Black Panthers, who assisted with some mutual aid and armaments. This cross-movement solidarity provided a crucial pillar that kept the strikes going as long as they did.

Factors Contributing to the Strikes

Their demands regarding mine safety, pensions, disability, injury compensation, and wages culminated in a bitter fight that lasted all through the 1970s.

Factors also included the corporation’s push to speed up production despite its impact to mine safety, and the generation turnover. Younger miners were often Vietnam veterans, some disabled from the war, and had a healthy suspicion of authority with little loyalty to the corporations for which they worked. Also, many of the union offices were fairly small, with perhaps a hundred miners to them, which meant more leadership from the members rather than union staff.

Miners for Democracy (MFD) and Disabled Miners and Widows instituted major changes within the union by incorporating democratic processes and strategies into the structure of the union. One of the crucial changes was the ability for miner rank and file to vote on contracts, which would prove crucial to the strikes overall. Arnold Miller, once he took office as the President of the national chapter, dissolved MFD, but the impact it had on the rank and file had already proliferated to many of the smaller chapters.

Arnold Miller proved a weak leader as his negotiations often fell prey to harmful compromises that the rank and file members found unacceptable. Many of the contract deals he negotiated with BCOA — the main corporation that led the group of corporations that owned the mines — were rejected by the rank and file during the voting sessions. The wildcat strikes continued since much of the demands were not incorporated into those contracts.

Wildcat Strikes and Safety Laws

The wildcat strikes in 1969 started in Westmoreland Coal’s East Gulf Mine in West Virginia, their demands included safety laws due to the increasing rates of Black Lung Disease. This spread swiftly to other mines. By the next week, forty thousand coal miners shut down all the mines in West Virginia.

Marches on the capitol were included in the strikes, where thousands of miners and their families marched to demand a law to protect the safety of miners. This resulted in the Governor of West Virginia signing a law on March 12th that set strong safety standards on limits of coal dust and other safety considerations.

This victory galvanized the strikers, and it also played a hefty role in the national 1969 Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act. Many miners found the implementation of the law failed to reach their workplaces, so the strikes continued in force in the 1970s. Strikes in 1972 pushed Congress to institute an expansion of the 1969 act called Black Lung Benefits Act.

Although success of the 1969 strikes met one demand, the miners’ other demands required more intense pressure. Black Lung Disease was one of the many dangers they faced, but others included higher production loads and faster mining which often resulted in injuries. Poor maintenance of the mines by the corporations, which meant the structures holding up the mine sometimes collapsed. Other dangers included mine explosions, like the 1968 one in West Virginia that enraged miners, and started off the 1969 and 1970 through 1972 wildcat strikes.

Strikes after 1972 expanded the list of demands beyond safety and health pensions. With the growing militancy of the rank and file, the strikes grew to encompass massive swathes of the mining industry by 1977.

Since miners’ lives hung in the balance, along with poor leadership in their union, wildcat strikes and strangers picketing were seen as crucial tools in the miners’ arsenal. Another factor in the strikes came from discontent at the length of time grievances took to process. Terry Abbot, 25-year-old coal miner and president of of UMWA Local 1866 said during the strikes:

The grievance procedure takes so long. If you get a grievance to an arbitrator and back in eight to ten months you’re lucky. The companies don’t mind paying the arbiters. They’ve got the .money… And with about 90 percent of the grievances, there’s no penalty on the company not to do it anymore. It doesn’t hurt them any.”

1977/1978 Strikes

In 1977, fifty percent of coal in America came from union mines, but the strikes succeeded in shutting down almost 63 to 75% of production.

As Kim Woody and Jim Woodward argued in their analysis of the miners’ strikes:

Had the BCOA looked past Arnold Miller they would have understood that they were still in for a fight. The strike was solid. Not only had miners shut down all of the coal mines by the UMWA, but they had shut down a good deal of non-union coal mines as well. Car caravans, sometimes numbering by the hundreds, roamed the eastern coal fields shutting down non-union mines. Some non-union companies, like Mapco in West Virginia, hired gun-thugs to keep the strikers away. It didn’t work. Shots were exchanged and the mine stayed closed.”

To sustain the months long strikes, relief committees were set up by the miners, their families, and their allies. These committees focused on protecting strikers from mortgage foreclosure, preventing bankruptcies from medical emergencies, and some distribution of food and supplies.

Other unions would send money to assist, but the leadership of the UMWA sat on millions in aid in hopes of breaking the strikes and forcing agreement on the contracts Miller negotiated with BCOA. However, Miller’s strategy failed to break the rank and file’s picket lines.

Most relief came from rank and file workers in other industries. Socialists within other unions also pushed for aid directly to the miners. To augment the support needed, miners often had to file for food stamps during this period. Through this building of solidarity across other industries, the aid provided fueled the strikes through the 1970s. This mutual aid work formed despite the harsh retaliation of the union leaders and state’s court and police systems.

Strategies to stop non-union or scab workers included forming caravans to stop work at non-union mines. These caravans often faced armed violence from corporate guards at the non-union mines, which killed some miners in the caravans. This didn’t stop them from shutting down the mine as workers within the non-union mine would often join in the strike.

Other tactics would include dumping coal onto the ground from wagons, train cars, and other containers. Piling these onto transportation infrastructures would then create blockage to aid in shutting down the coal economy in the USA.

Many non-union mines were located on the edges of UMWA territory such as in Illinois. Fourteen thousand strikers worked within mines and terminals in Illinois. One terminal in particular, Metropolis, Illinois, received coal by train, which it then transferred to barges for travel up the Ohio River. It received twenty thousand pounds of coal per day, and proved a crucial strike point. Although terminal managers said they’d shut it down for the 1970s strikes, it remained open.

In response, three hundred miners met in West Frankfurt Illinois to discuss strategy. They formed a caravan and descended on the terminal, overwhelming the police and guards, and shut it down.

Actions like these continued across the breadth of the mining industry throughout the 1977/78 strikes.

Retaliation

Courts and arbitration judges often tried to break the strike line. For example, after the shutdown of the Metropolis terminal, judges in Illinois and Kentucky issued injunctions against the miners. When the Massoc County Sheriff handed out copies, miners responded by throwing them on the ground and stomping them into the dirt.

In addition to court rulings against the picketers, state troopers often attacked to break the strike lines. However, they faced armed miners, many who carried axes, knives, or guns. Often, the state troopers would be outnumbered by huge margins.

Troopers would resort to tear gas to break up strike lines and arrest hundreds of strikers. However, other strikes often took their place to keep the mines and terminals shut down.

To combat the harsh crackdown of troopers in one state, miners developed a strategy in stopping transportation of coal during the transfer. They would follow coal trucks in order to stop them from reaching their destinations. If state troopers in one state proved troublesome — as in not letting miners speak to the drivers — then they’d follow across the state border and confront the drivers there.

This required use of scouting by rank and file members who kept watch and relayed the sightings and news to other members down the line. This scouting also kept an eye on trooper forces and movements, which strategies were adapted in quick meetings by strikers on defensive measures.

The militancy of the miners helped provide some security against the retaliation of the state.

End of a Militant Era

The end of the 1977/1978 strikes wasn’t a win for the strikers nor the corporations. Supplies and food had run low for the strikers, and the aid networks struggled to hold up as the months marched onward.

In April 1978, the Social Worker published an editorial documenting the end of the 1970s mining strikes:

The coal miners… fought the government, and Jimmy Carter, who was even prepared to cut off food stamps from the families of strikers. They made a joke of Taft-Hartley, the “slave labor law,” which has been used for a generation to subdue and chain American workers.

In the end, only hunger forced them back. “The men voted with their stomachs, not their heads,” Ken Wagnild of UMWA Local 1810, Powhatan Point, Ohio, told Socialist Worker.

Perhaps if the leadership of the UMWA hadn’t withhold the millions in aid other unions had offered, hunger would not have impacted the end negotiations of the strike.

Even though relief committees and mutual aid had been used throughout the strike, the longevity of it faced increasingly hostile barriers by the state, the rise of neoliberalism and corporate union-busting, and the weakness within the UMWA leadership.

Creativity and adaptability proved crucial for the striking miners, and their wins resulted in better safety regulations and laws. Their fierce fight also heralded the transition period from combative labor movements of prior decades to a passive labor movement of 1980s forward.

Learning the lessons from this crucial fight can aid in future strikes. To learn more about the details of these strikes, especially the political situation of the time, I recommend exploring my sources in-depth. Thanks for reading.

Sources:

  1. Turl, Adam. “The Miners’ strike of 1977-78.” International Socialist Review. March 2011. URL: https://isreview.org/issue/74/miners-strike-1977-78/index.html
  2. Kelly, Kim. Excerpt from Fight Like Hell: The Untold History of American Labor. URL: https://lithub.com/we-dont-want-charity-we-want-jobs-at-the-intersection-of-the-labor-and-disability-rights-movements/
  3. Nielsen, Kim. A Disabled History of the United States. Beacon Press. October 2013. URL: https://www.beacon.org/A-Disability-History-of-the-United-States-P1018.aspx
  4. Hope, Jeanelle and Mullen, Bill. The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting Back from Anti-Lynching to Abolition. Haymarket Books. April 2024. URL: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2223-the-black-antifascist-tradition

#197778MiningStrikes #AmericanLabor #CrossMovementOrganizing #CrossMovementSolidarity #DisabledMiners #history #LaborMovement #Militancy #organizing #politics #solidarity #StateRetaliation #StrikeStrategy #strikes #Union #WildcatStrikes

Estelle Platiniestelle@techhub.social
2025-03-28

"In terms of racial identity, white Americans have had the choice of being something vague, something unraced and separate from race. A capitalized "White" challenges that freedom, by unmasking Whiteness as an American racial identity as historically important as "Blackness" — which it certainly is."

~ Nell Irvin Painter: wctrib.com/opinion/nell-irvin- via @breton 🧶

#raceMaking #entitlement #bias #whiteSupremacy #coloniality #decolonial #racism #antiRacism #sociology #USA #USPol #quotes #militancy #Americans #Whiteness #American #identity #blackMastodon #NellIrvinPainter

Félicien Breton 🍉 🔻 🌱breton@climatejustice.social
2025-03-05

What NGOs like Greenpeace ultimately offer, according to @ClementSenechal, is “environmentalism as spectacle.”

'Of particular interest is Sénéchal’s treatment of the past and present of Greenpeace. Quite visibly at odds with his former employer, the author takes Greenpeace as representative of the decadence of official environmentalism. Eschewing a coherent critique of the environmental crisis, organizations like Greenpeace, according to Sénéchal, are more devoted to agitprop demonstrations and photo ops better geared to satisfying activist egos rather than advancing strategic goals.

'These contradictions were apparent from the 1970s':
jacobin.com/2025/03/environmen

@climate 🧵

#activism #spectacle #environmentalism #book #agitprop #joy #career #struggle #struggles #liberation #demonstrations #militancy #militants #activism #activists #protests #politicalPhilosophy #institutionsDeceive #politics #lobbying #lobbies

2025-01-21

Do you need to establish a truly private and secure channel of communication with one or many people on your cellphone or computer, even when your communications might be under surveillance by isp providers and state actors? Something tells me that a lot of you might needs something like that in the future.
So let's say that you need to coordinate with a girl friend of yours to help her travel to get a medical intervention that isn't available to her in her home state. What do you do?

briarproject.org

Briar is a free text messaging application. But what makes it different, and why is it secure?
1- Briar is a peer-to-peer application. There is no central server, nothing is ever uploaded to "the cloud". Remember: in the end, the cloud always ends up being nothing but someone else's computer. When you send a message on Briar it goes directly from the addresser's device to the addressee's device, and if the addressee is offline the application will keep recursively trying to send the message until the addressee logs back in.
2- Briar does not necessarily need the internet. If the addresser and the addressee(s) are at the same real-life location and the internet is shut down, Briar can still work through Wi-Fi or Bluetooth provided they are close enough. Cough(protests)!Cough!
3- Briar is entirely pseudonymous. You only need to provide a username and a password. Neither you nor the application have to be aware of your interlocutor's phone numbers and identity.
4- On the internet, messages are bounced through the TOR network before reaching the addressee's device. This makes it EXTREMELY hard (nothing is ever truly impossible) for an internet provider or a state entity to trace the message and connect the addresser and the addressee's IP addresses.
5- All messages are also encrypted end-to-end, making them unreadable even if the packets were to be intercepted on the network.
6- Briar is entirely open-source, meaning that the code is available to be audited at any time by anyone who wants to audit it and look for security breaches.

Briar is available on Google Play, but you can also install it from F-droid if you don't want Google to know that you have it installed on your phone. You can also install it directly from Briar's website from the .apk package.

What can it do?
Briar can send text instant messages, and you can also organize group chats and forums. It works on Android, Linux, Windows and MacOS. It can also work as an RSS client, and you can share articles with your contacts that way.

What can't it do?
Calls, voice messages, videos, files. It's pretty bare bones, and objectively it won't replace your usual instant messenger.
It does not work on IOS, yet.

The briar project is also on Mastodon. Follow them and support them if you can.
fosstodon.org/@briar

#activism #journalism #internet #foss #briar #militancy #activisme #militancia #manifs #manifestations #manifestaciones #protests

Anwar Hashmihureraa
2024-12-13

“हार जाते तो क्या होता…” Sajad Gani Lone on How 1987 Elections Rigging Changed Kashmir Forever

"हार जाते तो क्या होता..." Sajad Gani Lone on How 1987 Elections Rigging Changed Kashmir Forever Watch Full Episode Here: ANI Podcast with Smita Prakash gets eminent people from different walks of life to talk about issues that impact you and society at large. Join Smita Prakash as…

spinelessnews.com/%e0%a4%b9%e0

Anwar Hashmihureraa
2024-11-18

“The Prime Minister Should Apologize to the People of Kashmir…” says Sajad Gani Lone

"The Prime Minister Should Apologize to the People of Kashmir..." says Sajad Gani Lone Tap 'Notify Here' for episode alerts: Join ANI's YouTube membership to get access to perks: Subscribe now and press the bell icon 🔔 to get new video updates: -------------------------------------- ANI is South…

spinelessnews.com/the-prime-mi

Félicien Breton 🍉 🔻 🌱breton@climatejustice.social
2024-10-02

"Anti-oppression, civil rights, and decolonization struggles clearly reveal that if resistance is even slightly effective, the people who struggle are in danger. The choice is not between danger and safety, but between the uncertain dangers of revolt and the certainty of continued violence, deprivation, and death."

~ Kate Khatib, in "We are Many: Reflections on Movement Strategy from Occupation to Liberation", 2012, via @RhinosWorryMe 🧵

#struggle #struggles #liberation #revolt #resource #selfDefence #militancy #militants #activism #activists #mentalHealth #safety #resiliency #quotes #resistance #personalSafety #stateViolence #violence #KateKhatib #risks

Félicien Breton 🍉 🔻 🌱breton@climatejustice.social
2024-09-08

Black August study, fast, train, fight: Nurturing Militancy and Preparing for the Day of Action.

Black August holds a profound significance for abolitionist prisoners, as it serves as a time to honor the resistance of our fallen comrades and reflect on the ongoing struggle against the carceral system. During this month, we not only deepen our political education but also prepare ourselves militantly, inspired by the spirit of George L. Jackson, for a day when conditions may require militant actions. As members of Jailhouse Lawyers Speak [the more militant segment of our membership], we understand the importance of utilizing Black August as a catalyst for growth, education, and collective preparation.

Within the confines of U.S.A prison system, nurturing militancy becomes a pivotal aspect of our resistance. Black August provides a space for abolitionist prisoners to foster a mindset of militant preparedness, drawing inspiration from past resistance campaigns. We recognize that the struggle against the carceral system may demand actions beyond peaceful advocacy. Therefore, during this month, we engage in rigorous physical and mental training, fortifying ourselves for a day when conditions may necessitate militant resistance.

Through physical fitness routines, martial arts training, and mental conditioning, we prepare ourselves to confront the oppressive forces that seek to silence our voices. Embracing the spirit of George L. Jackson, we study his writings, such as “Soledad Brother” and “Blood in my Eyes” which not only provide us with insights into the prison-industrial slave complex but also pushes us to challenge the status quo through bold and militant actions. We understand that true liberation may require us to transcend the limitations imposed upon us and be ready to seize opportunities for radical change.

Black August serves as a potent reminder that our struggle extends beyond the confines of prison walls. It is an opportunity for abolitionist organizers to recognize the need for militant preparation and to stand in solidarity with individuals who are actively engaging in this process.

During this month, we actively seek to build bridges of solidarity and create networks that transcend the razor wires. By connecting with organizations and individuals outside the prison walls, we amplify our collective voices and join the global struggle against the carceral system.

We encourage organizers to continue centering the experiences and lessons from people like George L. Jackson. Organizers can help build a movement that understands the importance of militant preparedness as a means to challenge oppressive structures and pave the way for transformative change.

Long Live The Spirit of George L. Jackson…

Big Sike,

Jailhouse Lawyers Speak

** Big Sike is a JLS member currently confined is FBOP

Jailhouse Lawyers Speak

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/09/abolitionist-militancy-in-the-spirit-of-black-august/

#abolitionist #BlackAugust #georgeJackson #JailhouseLawyersSpeak #militancy #northAmerica #prisonStruggle

Gerd_BrodowskiGerd_Brodowski
2024-08-04

: / / / /

(Without sympathy, but with great interest)

„The life of Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in Gaza.“

newyorker.com/magazine/2024/08

Anarchists who want to take action, when confronted with the choice of tactics, often default to large mass actions, like black bloc. Imagination is ceded to tactical hegemony; autonomy diminishes; creativity recedes; resistance is franchised with stale, processed, prepackaged ideologies and tactics; questionable organizational methods like spokes-councils and democratic decision making give a participatory veneer to a sealed deal–just like in any liberal democracy; most participants spectate rather than act, learning by passive imitation of the leaders rather than active involvement in intimate relations with experienced trusted friends.

We hope to put an end to this stagnation by giving anarchists some ideas about tactical alternatives to large mass actions. Here we discuss Coordinated Attacks, an extension of single group clandestine actions to multiple groups operating in loose collaboration simultaneously. While the tactics discussed here are not new, we believe our analysis can help anarchists better understand their action options, avoid getting into a rut of the same old tired tactics, choose the option most suited to their objectives, and most importantly, be creative and experiment with new ways of acting.

Continua of Tactics

We propose some ways of comparing alternative tactics, such as single group clandestine actions, large mass actions, and calls to action, so as to aid selection among these tactics, and aid generation of new ones. Some important features that differentiate these tactics are

(i) Total group size. the total number of people participating in an action

(ii) Subgroup size. if there are subgroups, usually in the form of affinity groups, the number of people in the subgroups and whether they are too big, too small, or just right sized for their task

(iii) Timing. whether subgroups act simultaneously or asynchronously

(iv) Communication. whether the subgroups communicate with each other to coordinate prior to the action

(v) Complementarity. whether the subgroup actions complement each other

(vi) Dependency. whether the actions of subgroups depend on the actions of other subgroups

Complex Coordinated Terrorist Attacks

With the hope of expanding the reader’s tactical imagination, we draw on a type of tactic that is feared by the US government, and used by serious resistance movements across the world. Complex Coordinated Terrorist Attacks, so called by the US government, are tactics that use large groups composed of small coordinated subgroups that work simultaneously and complementarily, but have low or no dependency across subgroups during the action.

https://www.fema.gov/sites/default/files/2020-07/planning-considerations-complex-coordinated-terrorist-attacks.pdf

A complex coordinated terrorist attack works to complete some nefarious objective with smaller subgroups that each have a number of members right sized to their subtasks, usually act simultaneously to keep their opposition off balance and maximize impact, and communicate directly with each other prior to the action so as to act in ways that are complementary, or at least not work at cross purposes.

It is worth thinking about why the US government fears these tactics, and why groups that use these tactics rarely, or never, use large mass actions. Why is the US government afraid? Because these tactics are difficult to predict, prevent, and control once they’ve started. Why do these groups use complex coordinated terrorist attacks rather than large mass actions? Because they need to maximize their impact while minimizing risk. For this reason, they tend to only engage in open battle [large mass actions] when it is very likely to yield immediate surrender by the opposition. Look at the resistance movements in Afghanistan and Iraq over the last 20 or so years, and you’ll see extensive use of complex coordinated terrorist attacks, with large mobilizations only used as an end game tactic.

Why Coordinated Attacks?

While complex coordinated terrorist attacks with high degrees of complementarity are more aspirational given the current stages of development in the anarchist movement in the US, coordinated attacks, where the participant subgroups have similar objectives but involve less complex coordination, are highly feasible.

Coordinated attacks have several advantages over other tactics.

i. Because the overarching group has the same goal, but not necessarily the same targets, the total group size can be arbitrarily large. This prevents situations where only one target is chosen, so only a few people can participate, or where many people want to participate, but there are not enough targets for them to all contribute to the action.

ii. Subgroups can be autonomously sized and organized to do specific tasks rather than being subsumed into a large mass with unclear objectives and an implicit leadership hierarchy. Each subgroup makes and executes their own plan within the framework of the agreed upon time and objectives.

iii. Simultaneity increases the shock factor, potential impacts, as well as reduces risks by spreading law enforcement thin.

iv. Prior communication between the subgroups allows for the coordination of timing, selection of common objectives, avoidance of target overlap, and minimization of risk to other subgroups, for example by accidentally leading the police into another subgroup.

v. Coordinated attacks have complementarity without dependency. An advantage of having low dependency is that if a subgroup decides to not participate or if a subgroup fails in their task, the other subgroups, who are not highly dependent on each other, can still do their part of the action. Although we do not emphasize high levels of dependency here–which would make the action significantly more complex–there is the possibility for actions to complement each other, for example by clearing contiguous parts of a travel corridor of surveillance cameras.

Comparison of Coordinated Attacks to Other Tactics

How do coordinated attacks compare to single group clandestine actions, large mass actions, calls to action, and complex coordinated terrorist attacks? Here we distinguish three dimensions that may be useful for this comparison.

Direct effects of the action. How much damage was done? Was the target taken out?

A direct effect might be a police vehicle disabled, a surveillance camera destroyed, or enemy communication disrupted.

Risks of the action. Will people get caught? Will information be revealed to law enforcement?

This considers the number of action participants caught by law enforcement, as well as the chances of getting caught. Information revelation might be whether an infiltration route to a target is made known to the opposition.

Indirect effects of the action. How do participants learn to relate to each other? How are observers inspired and encouraged, or paralyzed with fear?

Are action participants following the leader or are they taking initiative to construct the action themselves by actively choosing targets, crafting infiltration and exfiltration routes, and agreeing on proper roles for the subgroup individuals? Are observers inspired by the action because of its high impact and low risk, or are observers fearful after the action because participants got caught?

As shown in the table, we believe that coordinated attacks compare favorably to other tactics across these three dimensions.

TacticDirect EffectsRisksIndirect EffectsCoordinated
AttacksPotential for damage or destruction of multiple targetsGreater risk than single group clandestine actions due to communication between subgroups about timing and targets; smaller risk than call to action due to simultaneous actions spreading law enforcement thinSubgroups learn to act independently as well as coordinate; encourages initiative of each subgroup participant; no hierarchy; can encourage observers if well executedSingle Group Clandestine ActionsPotential for damage or destruction of one targetLowest risk due to high levels of skill and affinity between group members; low risk of information leak about timing and targetsGroup participants have initiative but do not learn to coordinate with other groups; actions often go unrecognized by observersLarge Mass ActionsPotential for large damage at one target or small damage because of redundancyGreater risk due to many participants in a single areaParticipants do not necessarily have initiative; will look to leaders; creates an implicit hierarchy; can be spectacular to observersCall to ActionPotential for large damage at multiple targets or no damage if all subgroups pull outRisk not much greater than single group clandestine actions due to lack of communication about timing and targetsEach subgroup has initiative but does not learn to coordinate with other subgroupsComplex Coordinated Terrorist AttacksPotential for large damage at multiple targetsRisk of infiltration or information leak greater than other tacticsSame as coordinated attacks, but subgroups learn more intricate coordination

Comparison of direct effects. Coordinated attacks have the potential to hit multiple targets and do large amounts of damage to each target. This damage could be greater than a single group clandestine action, due to the greater number of participants; greater than a large mass action, because the subgroups avoid redundancy by focusing on specific discrete targets; and greater than a call to action because of the tendency for communication between subgroups to increase follow through and impact. Complex coordinated terrorist attacks are likely to have the greatest direct effects.

Comparison of risks. Single group clandestine actions are likely to have the lowest risk because of the small chance for information leak and small number of participants that need to exfiltrate the target area. When there are more subgroups and more total participants, there is a greater chance of someone being an infiltrator or unintentionally leaking information. Coordinated attacks and complex coordinated terrorist attacks have an advantage due to simultaneity, where subgroups, if located in a similar geography, could spread law enforcement thin, lowering the overall risk to each subgroup. Large mass actions have the greatest risk because it is difficult to exfiltrate many participants in the same area, participants tend to rely on organizers and as a result are often not as well prepared, hampering their exfiltration, and large numbers of people in a single area attract law enforcement attention and thus greater repression.

Comparison of indirect effects. Complex coordinated terrorist attacks require the largest amount of collaboration, coordination, and inititative from the individual participants and subgroups, fostering the creation of a superb type of anarchist and militant. Coordinated attacks follow closely behind, lacking some of the complexity and complementarity. Single group clandestine actions and calls to action yield similar results: small groups with high levels of initiative but no coordination across groups. Finally, large mass actions lead to the creation of many individuals who get used to following the leader, but due to their size and visibility, large mass actions are often inspiring to observers.

Some Drawbacks of Coordinated Attacks

The main drawback of coordinated attacks relative to single group clandestine actions and large mass actions is the difficulty of planning. It is often challenging to find other affinity groups who are willing to participate. These subgroups may not have the skills and resources necessary to plan and act on their own. Without a larger group for support or detailed guidance from experienced people, some might have second thoughts and decide to opt out. For this reason, coordinated attacks can easily devolve into a single group action. Calls to action have a similar problem, where it is even possible for no groups to take action in response to the call. Single group clandestine actions only require a single dedicated group of individuals, and large mass actions and calls to action only require the leaders or organizers to be coordinated.

Another drawback relative to large mass actions is that, for some targets, a large number of people are needed to overwhelm law enforcement. It may be possible, however, to use a coordinated attack approach to overwhelm a target’s defenses, where each subgroup focuses on a single target with well-defined roles. Such a coordinated approach requires significantly more planning, and creates dependency between the outcomes of each subgroup, where if one fails–for example, to take out surveillance–another can also fail–by getting surveilled and then being intercepted by law enforcement.

Mitigating Risk

Single group clandestine actions have the lowest risk because group participants tightly control information. Everything is communicated on a need-to-know basis, and those outside the group don’t need to know anything about who is participating, when the action will happen, and the location of the target.

The most important way to mitigate the risk of information being leaked outside the action group is affinity between subgroups. When subgroups know each other, have close ties, have done actions together before, and have a track record of keeping their mouths shut, risks of information being leaked to law enforcement with multiple subgroups are not much larger than risks with a single group.

When building these close ties and executing actions, subgroups might use some of the following methods to mitigate information flow risks. [a] having some sort of vetting and vouching method before talks between subgroups begin–usually this happens informally and casually, [b] working together on small, lower risk actions before trying riskier actions together, [c] communicating in person with only a few members from each subgroup to mask the identity of all the group members, [d] revealing the action timing only immediately beforehand, [e] developing a list of regions within the same law enforcement zone for target selection, without the exact targets specified.

With respect to the last method, planners might work together to divide a single law enforcement zone into regions, with each region containing multiple possible targets that support the same goal. A slip of paper is passed around the planning group with a few of the regions already crossed out to mask who selected the first region. Subgroups sequentially cross out regions that they would like to pick for themselves. At the end, no subgroup member can tell which other subgroup chose which region, and in turn, they cannot tell which subgroup chose which target within each region. This is just one idea. Come up with better ones.

Surveillance Cameras as Small, Lower Risk Actions to Build Affinity

All these tricks and techniques for mitigating risk don’t matter if you don’t have close, trustworthy ties with at least one other affinity group. As a starting point, we recommend taking the first step of developing those ties, even to one other affinity group, rather than developing complex methods for controlling information flow to mitigate risk. In the end, the overall risk to a group is determined by the weakest link, so be picky with your affiliations.

Developing trust within and across affinity groups requires background knowledge about each other acquired through social relationships, time to get to know each other and observe each others’ actions, and acting together in lower risk contexts. Every individual and group should take action based on their individual and group desires.

One suggestion that has proved useful in the past is destroying surveillance cameras together. This has the effect of teaching participants about scouting, infiltration and exfiltration routes, proper clothing attire, lookouts, use of police scanners, and police response timing. Possibly more important, participants learn that law enforcement is not omniscient and omnipotent, that cameras are often highly directional and often get no footage or useless footage, and that cameras are often not replaced, meaning the damage is permanent. A final obvious practical benefit is that there are fewer cameras around, increasing freedom of action.

An Example

Consider the following hypothetical example. A region has multiple entities that support something awful, like a fossil fuel pipeline or Israeli weapons manufacturing. Entities could include funders, providers of logistics, insurers, or other supporting infrastructure. Through whisper networks, DMs with disappearing messages, and in-person conversations, a number of affinity groups come together to discuss an action in person, away from buildings, and without phones. At least some members of each affinity group have close ties to each other, with prior experience in many contexts that indicate trustworthiness. Each subgroup sends a few people to the discussion.

For the pipeline case, the pipeline construction area spans many hundreds of miles, with various targets, such as construction equipment, temporary housing, and transportation vehicles. The area is the jurisdiction of state police. The group divides the area into 15 regions–the number 15 here is chosen arbitrarily–each with multiple possible targets. Suppose there are 5 affinity subgroups. The planning group passes around a ballot with the 15 regions listed, five of them already crossed out. Each subgroup crosses out a region in sequence until all of the regions are eliminated. Each subgroup commits to only going after targets within one of the two regions that they crossed out. Other subgroups then only have imprecise knowledge of which subgroup selected which region, and know very little about target selection. [A simpler method: Write numbers corresponding to the 15 regions on 15 playing cards, then allocate them randomly to subgroups.]

The subgroups agree on a date after which they will all be prepared to act, but delay choosing an exact time. After the preparation date has passed, they call a meeting, where the final time is chosen, possibly with very little advance notice–hours rather than days. After the action, communiques are written and contact between participants is avoided until some time has passed. The participants never talk about the action again, although they continue to collaborate if trust has been furthered through the action, and mouths are kept shut.

A Note on Group Size

The focus here has been on an alternative tactic for actions with a large number of people. However, more people does not equal better. Even a single individual can pull off complex, highly effective tasks with low risk. For an apolitical example, see Bill Mason’s Confession of a Master Jewel Thief. For political examples, see some recent raids on Elbit Systems suppliers. Focus, reconnaisance, careful target selection, and precision can do much more than number of bodies.

Endnote

We don’t care if you use coordinated attacks or any other tactic. What we care about is breaking the tactical hegemony, fostering creativity and new affinities, and keeping people safe while having some fun. We hope this essay builds new ideas and relationships rather than stifles and straight-jackets you into a new, different, hegemonic tactical regime.

Explore.

Experiment.

Follow no leader and no rules.

Originally Published On Unravel
secondary source: Scenes

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/02/from-a-matter-of-principle-to-a-matter-of-tactics/

#anarchism #clandestine #DirectAction #militancy #northAmerica

2024-07-15

Today’s #KWIblog post in our #climate series is about environmental violence and literary #militancy in #Nigeria, written by Sule Emmanuel Egya. He is a professor of African literature and environmental humanities and is currently Fellow in Essen. blog.kulturwissenschaften.de/i

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Five Army Soldiers, SPO injured in gunfight in Jammu and Kashmir’s Doda

The target of the militants in Doda apparently was the Indian Army’s Temporary Operating Base.

#jammu #doda #militancy #IndianArmy #CRPF #IndianArmedForces #KashmirMilitancy #kashmir #india

thehindu.com/news/national/jam

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Why the militant attack on pilgrims is a worrying turn for the Jammu region

The incident in Reasi is the latest in a series of attacks in the Pir Panjal region, a continuation of the trend since the scrapping of special status in 2019.

#jammu #reasi #ReasiTerrorAttack #PirPanjal #militancy #article370abrogation #kashmir #KashmirMilitancy #india

scroll.in/article/1069099/why-

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